Lord Diplock

[ina aadan]

farms and some of the former state farms until 2001. The manager of the state farms
and agro-pastoralist farms started sending motor pumps and pipes to Somalia under the
pretext of maintenance, none of them were returned and the state farm’s infrastructure
thereby dismantled. A total of 12 high-powered motor pumps disappeared in Somalia.
Even trees planted for firewood and shade by the previous resettlement were devastated
by the Abdalla Tolomogge. Now one sees traces of damaged canals, broken pipes here
and there. This is a typical example of a development situation in Ethiopia when
governments change. The incumbent governments do not build on or try to modify on
the past but start from scratch. In this way resources are wasted and lessons are not
learnt.
The abandoned state farms and the ex-resettlement farms are now covered with alien
bush called galiile or booco. The bush is not consumed by livestock and has no use.
Some prosopis juli flora (in Somali known as birsoobis, literally “when the stem is cut
it sprouts with shoots”) is observed on the abandoned farms. Kelafo town and the
surrounding farms are invaded by prosopis and it is from Kelafo that the species has
spread out. After the set up of the Somali regional government, a regional government
farm of 752 ha is in operation in west Godey, located 60 km from Godey town in a
different locality than the previous farms. In the irrigation scheme the crops grown by
the Regional Irrigation Bureau are maize and beans, vegetables such as onions,
beetroot, carrot, cabbage and tomato, and fruits such as papaya, mango and guava.
4.2.2 Agro-pastoralist Farms
The Abdalla Tolomogge has commenced small-scale rain fed farming as early as the
1930s. Flood recession agriculture started also during this period. Irrigation using
pumps was introduced by the then Ministry of Interior after the severe drought in 1972-
74. The Awlihan started farming at a later stage than the Abdalla Tolomogge. The latter
have irrigated farms using pumps and sometimes flood from the east and west side of
the Wabi Shebelle river. On the western side of the Wabi Shebelle river the Abdalla
Tolomogge have farms stretching from Kerker to Awro in Adadley wereda, while the
Awlihan have farms stretching from Hidilole to the Kelafo border in Adadley wereda.
In Godey wereda the Abdalla Tolomogge own farms from Gode West to the Kelafo
border (see Figure 3). The Abdalla Tolomogge own about 70 pumps, mostly with one
piston, while the Awlihan have 23 pumps both in Godey and Adadley weredas. The
total land irrigated is estimated to be 1500 ha. A pump with one piston serves about 30-
40 farmers, each farmer cultivating 0.5 ha. In Adadley wereda the Abdalla Tolomogge
and Awlihan possess about 30 pumps and 23 pumps respectively, which are privately
and collectively owned. The prices of a water pump with one piston, two pistons and
four pistons are 9,000, 15,000 and 25,000 birr respectively and pumps are trucked as
contraband goods from Somalia.
The crops cultivated by both clans along the Wabi Shebelle river are maize, vegetables
such as pepper, tomato, carrot and fruits such as mango, pawpaw, guava, banana and
lemon. In the hinterland sorghum and maize are cultivated using the flood of seasonal
rivers or by digging small channels from the streams to the crop production areas. A
limited amount of vegetables is produced.

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6 Kinship Structure and Territory
Both Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge inhabit Adadley wereda while Godey wereda is
inhabited by Abdalla Tolomogge (and other clans) only, but not by Awlihan. The
Abdalla Tolomogge are composed of 10 main lineages, namely Barer Saad, Aden
Abdalla, Mahad Abdalla, Golaade, Ashantilis, Mohammed Abdalla, Seleban Abdalla,
Abdi Abdalla, Rer Kassim and Hassen Aden (See Figure 2). The Awlihan lineage
predominant in Adadley wereda is the Wafete. The Wafete sub-lineages are Geeldon,
Yusuf, Mumin, Bah Nab Daw Wadil and Geddid (See Figure 1) The rest of the
Awlihan lineages which include Rer Afgab, Aden Kare, Hawis, Rer Ali and Sonkat
inhabit Afder zone and Hargele, Bare, Cherati, Imi, and Dollo Bay (see Figures 1 and
2). The numerically smaller clans that live within Awlihan territory are the Harti,
Sharif, Abdille, Makahil, Shekash and Lelkade. These smaller groups do not claim land
but use the grazing and water resources of the Awlihan and live under their protection.
Urban land around Godey town and the Hagere settlement belongs to the respective
municipality and is sold for birr 5.50 to 7.50 per meter square. The local municipalities
sell land for building purposes to prospective house builders. Sometimes the Barer
Saad lineage of the Abdalla Tolomogge sells land around Godey town. The actual land
inhabited by the Abdalla Tolomogge in Adadley wereda is situated along the western
bank of the Wabi Shebelle river (wabiga badhtanka) stretching from Keker to Awro
and the areas north of the Godey bridge and the Hagere-Hargele road as far as close to
Imi wereda, which includes localities such as Al Bereket. The Wafete (Awlihan)
inhabit areas stretching from Hidilole to as far south as the Kelafo border and areas
west of Bohol Hagere as far as the border to Bare and Hargele weredas. The Abdalla
Tolomogge claim the whole Adadley wereda and beyond as far as Kohle, 80 km from
the Godey bridge on the Godey-Hargele road. The Wafete claim territory stretching
from the western part of the middle of the Wabi Shebelle river to the boundary with the
Rer Afgab (Awlihan).
Some Bah Gerri informants1 said that the Hawiye from Huddur (Somalia) had pushed
the Awlihan northwards as a result of which the Awlihan lost their grazing land and
water points. The Awlihan in turn started to occupy Abdalla Tolomogge territory.
Pastoralists normally move between wet and dry season grazing areas and if they have
access to wells, they settle there and after some time they claim the land. Some of the
elders interviewed assume that the Awlihan are intruders into Abdalla Tolomogge
homeland. An Abdalla Tolomogge elder remarked the following “Gel jire markuu furin
helo ayuu furin labad daydayaa” meaning, “when the camel boy gets one bread he asks
for more”. Another elder said, “Nin boqol doonaya iyo nin diidan farag weyn baa
udhexeeya” meaning “one provides 100 camels to another and the other rejects”. These
two allegories illustrate the difficulty of resolving the issue of land ownership between
the two clans.
1 Similarly, the Rahnwein in Belet Weyn, Luq and Huddur (Somalia) are fighting against the Awlihan in
the same locality over the Rabdhure wells situated on the border with Somalia. Between February and
March 2005 about 18 Awlihan and 22 Rahnwein were killed in related dispute

[ina aadan]

Let us examine the role that the lineage groups play when conflict takes place. For
example, if a member of Aden Goal, belonging to Barer Saad lineage of Abdalla
Tolomogge, kills a Rer Gedey (a person still belonging to Barer Saad), all the lineage
groups of Aden Goal contribute blood money, which is about 100 camels or the
equivalent in other livestock species. If a member of Fok Musa, belonging to Aden
Goal, kills a person belonging to Aden Goal of Barer Saad lineage, Fok Musa and the
rest from Harun, Umer Digod, Boho, and Ibrahim will contribute most of the animals.
When the magnitude of the conflict increases then all Barer Saad and Aden Abdalla
will fight each other. If a member of Farah Geldoon kills a Rer Gedey member of
Abdalla Tolomogge, the Geldoon consisting of Farah, Jama, Alamagan and Aden will
contribute most of the animals supported by all the five lineages of Wafete, which
include, Yusuf, Mumin, Geldoon, Bah Nab Daw Wadil and Gediid. If it is a full-scale
war then all Awlihan will contribute animals for blood money payment.
The territory under dispute is the whole Adadley wereda that is claimed by both clans.
Each clan wants the other to move out of the wereda. The disputes that take place
between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan have resulted in the death of 93 people from
both groups since 1947. The major issue at stake is land ownership. The conflicts were
traditionally geared towards camel looting and later turned into disputing claims over
land ownership since 1947. After 1947 the Awlihan started pushing into Abdalla
Tolomogge territory as a result of being pushed by the Hawiye from Huddur region of
neighbouring Somalia. During these conflicts the degree of involvement of both groups
varied from little lineage involvement in the fight to masses of people from both clans.
Based on the genealogical chart among the Wafete (Awlihan), Kamas could marry
Khayr. Among the Abdalla Tolomogge Aden Goal could marry Rer Gedey (see Figures
1 and 2). Intermarriage is practiced between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan as well.
Awlihan marry other clans and so do Abdalla Tolomogge. Both Abdalla Tolomogge
and Awlihan marry and get married to minority groups such as Rer Barre. The cultural
taboo is only against marrying Christians.

[ina aadan]

8 Relations Between Abdalla
Tolomogge and Awlihan
8.1 Current Practices of Customary Law (Xeer)
The traditional Somali law called xeer governs the Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan1.
The xeer penalizes individuals or groups for inflicting any damage or harm. The
penalty depends on the degree of damage caused. Let us examine some of the
modalities of xeer that prevail in Godey and Adadley weredas.
If fighting (beating) takes place between two persons and one is injured on the hand,
leg or other body part, the first step to be taken is treating the wound with medicine and
food at the expense of the culprit. The wrongdoer gives two camels, one for the injured
and another slaughtered for the elders arbitrating the dispute. If two brothers from the
same family fight each other an animal, be it a fat camel or cattle or small stock
belonging to the wrongdoer, will be slaughtered for the arbitrating elders who number
between two and ten. The wrongdoer and the injured share the meat together. Another
possible penalty is that the wrongdoer is tied by a rope and beaten by a stick while the
injured observes the act. If a person touches the breast of a girl, the penalty is one gun
to the girl’s family. An incidence related to someone touching the breast of a girl has
resulted in a fight where 17 were killed among the Abdalla Tolomogge. This happened
many years ago. If a person rapes a girl, he has to pay three she-camels of three to four
years of age as a penalty to the girl’s family. If an individual insults another person, the
penalty is birr 500 or the equivalent in Somali Shilling. A head of sheep or goat is
slaughtered for the elders belonging to both groups arbitrating the conflict. A small sum
of money is returned to the culprit as well. Religious abuse (insulting one’s religion) is
a very sensitive issue. The culprit is taken to sharia court and is obliged to pay birr
100-300 to the victim. Similarly, in the case someone has insulted one’s mother the
elders from both families pass a penalty of birr 100-300.
Conflicts are a frequent phenomenon and are usually contained and managed within the
cultural set up. After elders resolve a conflict, they appear in the wereda court and
inform the court members about the conflict resolution modalities and the case is
recorded accordingly. All major cases managed by elders are documented in written by
the courts. The diya (blood compensation) regulation for killing shall be dealt with in
Chapter 10. Unlike other parts of the Somali region there is no xeer preventing the
cutting of trees. Even gallery forest along the Wabi Shebelle river is thus devastated.
1 At El Bereket, a woman was trying to beat a man with a stick. She was throwing stones into a tea shop
where the author was holding a focus group discussion (March 2005). The man she was after was a
participant of the focus group. Some adults struggled to stop her from approaching the man. What had
happened was that the man had beaten her son and broken his tooth. Compensation had to be paid in terms
of a two year old heifer. The guilty and the victim both belong to the Rer Godey lineage of Barer Saad
secondary lineage of Abdalla Tolomogge. The compensation to be paid is small as both belong to minor
lineage/jilib.

[ina aadan]

Relation Between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan:
Symbiosis and Cooperation
The relation between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan shall in a first moment be
explained in terms of cooperation and symbiosis1. Except during times of intensive
conflict, which usually take place during a couple of days only, cooperation between
Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge continues. One depends on the other for livelihood
and existence and exchange relations animate cooperation. The Awlihan sell their
produce such as livestock and livestock derived products, salt and gum to the Abdalla
Tolomogge. The Abdalla Tolomogge in turn sell these products to consumers and
traders. These resources are available in Awlihan land such as Bare, Hargele and
Cherati weredas. The Awlihan also sell firewood, grass for livestock feed and roof
thatching material to the Abdalla Tolomogge and other clans in Godey town. On the
other hand the Abdalla Tolomogge sell manufactured goods, shoes, grain, chat,
consumer goods (sugar, tea), which they get from Somalia and the Ethiopian highland
to Awlihan. Hagere village is newly established and needs services from Godey town.
Let us examine a case study, which gives an impression of the historical symbiosis
between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan.
Case 4: Ahmed Aden, aged 78, belongs to the Mohammed Abdalla lineage of Abdalla
Tolomogge and has two wives. He has four children from the first wife and five
children from his second wife. At Agewein, south of Godey town, he cultivates 0.5 ha
of land using irrigation together with some Wafete lineage group members. In terms of
livestock he owns two cattle and 100 shoats. Since his brother is aged he expects his
uncle to marry his wives after his death. For marrying the first wife he had paid a bride
price (yarad)2 of seven cattle and 100 sheep and goats and only six cattle for his second
wife. Mohammed’s lineage group has not been in conflict with the Wafete. It has a
history of living together with the Awlihan.
When any of the clans move to other territory beyond what is currently occupied, the
migrants ask permission for grazing and water and they are granted access even if the
relation between them is tense. The only precondition is that the permission is
temporary.
Marriage is practiced between some lineages of Abdalla Tolomogge and Wafete of
Awlihan. The Mahad Abdalla from Abdalla Tolomogge lineage marries the Wafete and
vice versa. Rer Wa’ays of Wafete marries Rer Gedey of Abdalla Tolomogge and vice
versa. An elder named Kelile Abdi reiterated that the Wafete and Abdalla Tolomogge
are brothers and live together in settlement. Another Abdalla Tolomogge elder
remarked that when the 1986 conflict took place between Abdalla Tolomogge and
1 The Hawiye in Kelafo buy pumps from Somalia and Rer Bare provide the land and both benefit from
growing crops. This symbiotic relation but not equal relation is also ascertained when the Owdak chase the
Rer Bare from Kelafo during the EPRDF takeover. With the Hawiye support the Rer Bare managed to get
back their land
2 The yarad varies from clan to clan and through time a case is recorded where some one paid 100 shoats,
10 camels and one rifle. The yarad among Awlihan is currently 10 cattle, 5 camels and one rifle.

[ina aadan]

Awlihan, “the adults you see here lost their fathers during the Biyoloow war. But a few
of our lineages members have Abdalla Tolomogge wives”. He continued and said, “We
want to live in peace and harmony”. Among other dwellers traders belonging to
Abdalla Tolomogge, Abdille, Bah Gerri, Awlihan etc. inhabit Godey town. The
Awlihan traders in Godey town are always in contact with Abdalla Tolomogge traders
and community members and thus bridge the gap between Abdalla Tolomogge and
Awlihan clans. During the Ethio-Somali wars of 1962-63 and 1977-78 the Abdalla
Tolomogge and Awlihan joined hands to fight the Ethiopian army. This behaviour is
consistent with the segmentary character of the Somali clans and the process of fusion
and fission between and among the clan lineages.
8.3 Relation Between Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge:
Land Conflict
Between approximately 1900 and 1947 several conflict incidents involving Abdalla
Tolomogge and Awlihan took place. They were caused by the looting of livestock,
especially camels. Elders from both groups can recall some of these conflicts that
evolved at a small scale. Camel looting has been common among the Ogaden clans
such as the Mohammed Zuber, Bah Gerri and Rer Isaak. Apart from the conflict
between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan, conflicts also take place between the
Abdalla Tolomogge clan lineages1.
The following section concentrates on and recounts the major land conflict between
Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan. In 1947 at a place called Ane, north of Godey town,
there was a conflict between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan and one person from
Wa’ays of Awlihan was killed. During the same year the Wabi Shebelle river was
flooded and the plain (banka) was filled with water and the Abdalla had cultivated
maize using the flood recession. The Awlihan wanted to put this land under their
control. At Bokol Bar an incidence took place in which four Abdalla Tolomogge
belonging to Aden Abdalla and two Awlihan belonging to Wa'ays were killed. All
these killings took place in the gu season2.
In 1949 the Abdalla Tolomogge raided the Awlihan to capture some livestock at Gerba
Baquaqdha in hagga season. In the process 14 Awlihan and another 20 Abdalla
Tolomogge were killed. Several others from both groups were wounded. The
government did not interfere to stop the fighting and this conflict remained unresolved.
In the same year at a place called Dhanawe during gu season the Abdalla Tolomogge
killed six Awlihan and the number of deaths from both groups was thus levelled.
There was no conflict over land that informants could recall in the period between 1947
and 1986. In 1986 the Awlihan asked the Abdalla Tolomogge to move east of the Wabi
Shebelle river. While negotiations between the two were ongoing some Awlihan grazed
1 The conflict between Hassen Aden and Rer Kassim is the result of Rer Kassim claiming land that is
cultivated by Hassen Aden. All the secondary lineages of both groups are involved in the fighting. Another
case of conflict is between Abdi Abdalla and Hassen Aden over the water wells between Dennan and Imi.
There is no conflict recorded within the Wafete secondary lineage.
2 The seasons are mentioned with the aim of linking seasons and outbreak of conflict.

[ina aadan]

the crop fields of Abdalla Tolomogge. The farms were rain fed and situated far away
from the river. The Abdalla Tolomogge killed four persons from the Geldoon lineage
(Wafete of Awlihan) in revenge and within a week another nine persons were killed.
About 100 camels, 30 sheep and goats and 3 cattle were also killed by bullets. The
conflict took place at a place called Biyoolow and lasted for three months during which
a total of 67 Awlihan and 66 Abdalla Tolomogge were killed. Scores were wounded
from both sides. According to Awlihan informants the latter chased the Abdalla
Tolomogge beyond the Wabi Shebelle river. On the other hand the Abdalla Tolomogge
informants remarked that they chased the Awlihan to the hills and mountains, west of
Godey. One of the Abdalla Tolomogge elders, currently advisor to the wereda
administration, Sirar Abdi Harad had his two sons killed in the 1986 fighting.
In 1991 Aden Abdalla belonging to Abdalla Otology killed the brother of the current
Adadley wereda administrator who belongs to Wa’ays of Wafete (Awlihan). The
killing took place in Godey town during the hagga period. The Abdalla Tolomogge
paid the compensation for the first phase of the blood money payment, ages (one
camel) and kafan (white cloth for covering the dead body), yet discontinued paying the
rest. The immediate cause of the conflict according to Awlihan elders was hate at
interpersonal level. An Awlihan elder remarked “umal yahaas loo kabo yaa biyo loo
tantoomaa” which means “the anger you have for the crocodile makes you beat the
water”. This means he was killed for no reason other than hate.
After the collapse of the Siyaad Barre regime, many returnees including Awlihan and
Abdalla Tolomogge came to Godey and were provided with relief food by UNHCR
and DPPC. The Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge started fighting against each other
and the UNHCR and NGOs found it difficult to continue the provision of food to the
internally displaced people. The Awlihan were of the opinion that the Abdalla
Tolomogge were cultivating their land across the Wabi Shebelle river. To curb the
conflict Ugas Abdirahman of Abdalla Tolomogge moved the Awlihan to Bohol Hagere
in 1995 despite protest by the elders of Abdalla Tolomogge. The ugas made this
concession in order to stop the fighting between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan.
In 1991 EPRDF took over power in Ethiopia and the Abdalla Tolomogge claimed
ownership of the land cultivated by the 3000 settlers west of the Godey bridge. The
Abdalla Tolomogge claimed the land now because they did not dare to do so during the
Derg period. The settlers were told by the wereda officials to move to other areas
within Godey wereda. The settlers did not agree and left to their home areas. The
administrator of Godey wereda Merrad Layle, Godey zonal administrator Dulguf
Meshekoke and Ugas Abdirahman, all belonging to Abdalla Tolomogge clan, after a
short meeting and swearing in the name of Allah gave the land formerly cultivated by
the highland settlers to Abdalla Tolomogge in 1991. The Awlihan were not involved in
this meeting and did not agree on the decision and conflict flared up at a farm place
called Godere (in hagga season). Two persons from the Rer Gedey lineages of Abdalla
Tolomogge were wounded, one by bullet and another by stick. None were wounded
from the Awlihan side. Awlihan elders claimed that they don’t know who initiated the
conflict and that even after asking participants of the conflict they were unable to
identify the culprits.

[ina aadan]

Subsequently, traditional elders from the two sides, Godey wereda officials, Godey
zone officials and members of the federal military sat together for several days to
resolve the conflict. Awlihan paid compensation for the one person wounded by
gunshot, the equivalent to the cost of one camel. Compensation for the person wounded
by stick was not paid. The land issue was not discussed. As soon as government
officials are involved in resolving land disputes, they tell people that land belongs to
the government and that local communities can claim usufruct user rights only. The
participants were only eager to look at the immediate cause of the conflict.
During this period Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan refugees were fighting each other
in Huddur, Somalia. The militias of Abdalla Tolomogge killed 12 Awlihan and the
Awihan killed 12 Abdalla Tolomogge. Clan leaders and elders in Mogadishu initiated
mediation and consultation and an agreement was reached between the two clans to
live together in peace. Between 1991 and 2003 conditions remained tense between
Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan but there was no significant fighting elders could
recall.
In 2003, Abdalla Tolomogge at a place known as Higilo in Adadley wereda killed two
persons belonging to Bah Nab Daw Wadal of Wafete (Awlihan). Another person was
also wounded by a person from Rer Gedey lineage of Barer Saad (Abdalla
Tolomogge). The military played the role of peacekeepers and placed themselves
between the two clans. Many people were arrested and the soldiers captured animals
for some time until security was restored. Peace negotiations were carried out during
nine days. The immediate cause of the conflict had been a quarrel between individuals
over a piece of farmland. To identify the killers, witnesses swore by the holy Qoran.
The aggrieved party and the killer swear in the presence of elders before embarking on
conflict resolution process. They ask Allah to lead them in the right direction and help
them pass the right verdict.
The pressure from the wereda administration, zonal officials and federal military forced
the Abdalla Tolomogge to pay the blood compensation within 60 days. The ugases of
Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan were involved in the negotiation. Five salaried elders
(lateliye) and five other bush elders from Abdalla Tolomogge and one salaried elder
and five other bush elders from Awlihan participated in the meeting. In this kind of
emergency situation, the Abdalla Tolomogge mobilized their resources and bought 200
four-year-old camels from the Godey market and handed them over as blood money
compensation. The Abdalla Tolomogge had to make an announcement to other clans to
bring their camels to the Godey market for sale. Camels were bought from Godey
market at birr 1500 per camel. The close families Waya’as of Bah Nab Daw Wadal
received 60 camels and the remaining 140 were shared among the members of the four
Wafete lineages. The elders of Awlihan received one gun each. The traditional
procedure of blood money payment was not followed fully as the government officials
were actively involved in the conflict resolution process. The government officials
including the military gave more weight to modern conflict resolution mechanisms.
The military has a lot of weight in the meetings and emphasis is thus given to formal
government structures rather than traditional institutions. All parties signed the
compensation agreement including elders from both groups, the injured, guilty, wereda

[ina aadan]

47
Subsequently, traditional elders from the two sides, Godey wereda officials, Godey
zone officials and members of the federal military sat together for several days to
resolve the conflict. Awlihan paid compensation for the one person wounded by
gunshot, the equivalent to the cost of one camel. Compensation for the person wounded
by stick was not paid. The land issue was not discussed. As soon as government
officials are involved in resolving land disputes, they tell people that land belongs to
the government and that local communities can claim usufruct user rights only. The
participants were only eager to look at the immediate cause of the conflict.
During this period Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan refugees were fighting each other
in Huddur, Somalia. The militias of Abdalla Tolomogge killed 12 Awlihan and the
Awihan killed 12 Abdalla Tolomogge. Clan leaders and elders in Mogadishu initiated
mediation and consultation and an agreement was reached between the two clans to
live together in peace. Between 1991 and 2003 conditions remained tense between
Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan but there was no significant fighting elders could
recall.
In 2003, Abdalla Tolomogge at a place known as Higilo in Adadley wereda killed two
persons belonging to Bah Nab Daw Wadal of Wafete (Awlihan). Another person was
also wounded by a person from Rer Gedey lineage of Barer Saad (Abdalla
Tolomogge). The military played the role of peacekeepers and placed themselves
between the two clans. Many people were arrested and the soldiers captured animals
for some time until security was restored. Peace negotiations were carried out during
nine days. The immediate cause of the conflict had been a quarrel between individuals
over a piece of farmland. To identify the killers, witnesses swore by the holy Qoran.
The aggrieved party and the killer swear in the presence of elders before embarking on
conflict resolution process. They ask Allah to lead them in the right direction and help
them pass the right verdict.
The pressure from the wereda administration, zonal officials and federal military forced
the Abdalla Tolomogge to pay the blood compensation within 60 days. The ugases of
Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan were involved in the negotiation. Five salaried elders
(lateliye) and five other bush elders from Abdalla Tolomogge and one salaried elder
and five other bush elders from Awlihan participated in the meeting. In this kind of
emergency situation, the Abdalla Tolomogge mobilized their resources and bought 200
four-year-old camels from the Godey market and handed them over as blood money
compensation. The Abdalla Tolomogge had to make an announcement to other clans to
bring their camels to the Godey market for sale. Camels were bought from Godey
market at birr 1500 per camel. The close families Waya’as of Bah Nab Daw Wadal
received 60 camels and the remaining 140 were shared among the members of the four
Wafete lineages. The elders of Awlihan received one gun each. The traditional
procedure of blood money payment was not followed fully as the government officials
were actively involved in the conflict resolution process. The government officials
including the military gave more weight to modern conflict resolution mechanisms.
The military has a lot of weight in the meetings and emphasis is thus given to formal
government structures rather than traditional institutions. All parties signed the
compensation agreement including elders from both groups, the injured, guilty, wereda
Relations Between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan
48
officials, zonal officials and federal military. The president of the region was on
another mission and was invited to attend the closing meeting (see Annex 1).
8.4 Details of Blood Money Compensation
Among the lineages of Awlihan when blood money is paid for murder a total of 44
camels are paid for a man and 22 camels for a woman. The blood money is 100 camels
when Awlihan kill non-Awlihan. The payment for blood money also depends on the
season. Payment in the dry season or drought period may be difficult due to the
difficulty of collecting compensation from the concerned parties. If the livestock are in
poor condition and the number of animals to be paid is high, payment is deferred to a
later period. The procedures for payment are as follows:
Within Awlihan:
Ages: one fat male or female camel
Kafan: white cloth to cover the dead body, a rifle and Birr 500. After these steps are
fulfilled, the following are paid:
Rafise: 11 female camels of 6-7 years of age
Warantiirs: 24 camels of 4years of age
Magdheer: 8 male or female camels
The payment is done in camels or its equivalent. The exchange rate is as follows (1
camel = 3 cattle, 1 camel = 40 shoats, 1 cattle = 20 shoats).
Let us see how the blood money to be paid is distributed among the lineage member. If
a member of Awlihan from the lineage of Bah Nab Daw Wadal kills someone outside
his clan the payment modalities are as follows; 30 camels are contributed by close
family members, 40 camels by Gawsoole, and 20 camels by Waays and 10 camels by
the four lineages of Awlihan which include Geeldoon, Mumin, Yusuf and Gediid.
Elders arbitrating conflicts also receive animals. If the number of death is many then
camels from all clan members are collected.
Within Abdalla Tolomogge:
A camel is slaughtered for the elders arbitrating the dispute.
Ages: one big male or female camel
Kafan: birr 500
Rafise: 10 camels (used to be milking camels in the past) of any age

[ina aadan]

Magdheer: 90 camels of four years of age
The duration of payment depends on the quality of available grazing and ranges from
one to 12 months between the first and the last phase of blood payment. In the case of
Abdalla Tolomogge the blood money is 100 camels for a man and 50 camels for a
woman. Sometimes a woman is given to the other party instead of 50 camels in order to
create an alliance through intermarriage between the groups in dispute.
What came out clearly from the conflicts between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan
(1947-2003) was that blood money was not paid as the tradition requires and conflicts
were not resolved. Other Ogaden clan lineages such as Makahil, Abdille and Rer Isaak
have tried to bring the Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge together to peacefully discuss
their conflict, but they failed to do so. Thus retaliation followed upon retaliation
between Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge. The Awlihan still claim blood money for
the deceased brother of the current administrator of Adadley wereda. Now the Awlihan
intend to raise this issue with the elders of Abdalla Tolomogge, wereda officials, zonal
officials and federal military.
Other clan members such as Bah Gerri refer to the Awlihan, both those in Ethiopia and
those in neighbouring Somalia, as more pastoralist, aggressive and hostile than Abdalla
Tolomogge and accuse them of encroaching on other territories in search of water and
grazing. The agro-pastoralist Abdalla Tolomogge are more inclined to settle
permanently and to engage in agro-pastoralism. Pastoralists like Awlihan move with
their animals to long distance pastures, browse and water points and establish semipermanent
settlements. Even then they push further to have better grazing and water
points. This movement is typical of nomadic Somalis’ predatory expansion. In the
course of the movement, they encroach on the territory of other clans such as Abdalla
Tolomogge, which results in confrontation and conflict. Pastoralists such as Awlihan
often encroach on an area first and later claim that the land belongs to them. Nowadays
one observes Somali pastoralists pushing the Arsi, Borena, Afar and Oromos into the
Harar highlands. Unless the conflict between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan is
resolved, a bloody war is inevitable between the two contesting groups when
government changes and an institutional vacuum occur.
The conflicts between Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan took place mostly in hagga
and to a certain extent in gu season. The conflict cases did not take place in stress
period like jilaal season. Women and children under 18 did not involve and were not
attacked during the conflicts between Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge. An
exceptional case is during the Biyoolow war in 1986 when many lives were lost and
women and children from both clans were killed.
The wereda administration consults the elders on issues of conflict but not always.
Elders often reiterate “Nin yar in tuu geed ke boodo ayuu talona keboodas” meaning “a
person who jumps a tree thinks he can forget other people’s ideas”. Elders tend to think
that the young people take quick action without considering the experienced elders.
Finally, in regard to the role of government offices in conflict resolution, the wereda
and zonal officials exacerbate the conflicts, as has been the case in Godey and Adadley
weredas. The Godey zonal officials are mostly drawn from Abdalla Tolomogge, but

[ina aadan]

include a number of other clan representatives from each of the zone’s weredas. The
Godey wereda officials are Abdalla Tolomogge only while the Adadley wereda
officials are both from Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge.
8.5 External Factors Exacerbating the Conflicts
External factors, which influence the above-described conflict, include insecurity, civil
war in Somalia, federal intervention and clannishness. The ONLF, which draws support
from the Mohammed Zuber, Bah Gerri, Makahil and Otology clans excluding Awlihan,
operates in Fiq, Korahe, Warder, Deghabur and Godey zones, especially in Denan and
Imi weredas. The movement of outsiders (non-Somali, also sometimes non-Ogadeni,
for example Isaaq) in these zones is hampered. Some Al-Ittihad groups (Islamic
fundamentalists) seem to operate in Fiq zone and the security situation has been
deteriorating recently. The two movements are creating instability in the region and
thus the flow of traffic and goods between Godey, Hagere and Jigjiga is hampered
unless military convoy escort trucks.
Since 1991 neighbouring Somalia has been without a central government and
instability has resulted in arms proliferation and a flourishing contraband trade in the
Somali region of Ethiopia. Insurgent groups such as ONLF and Al-Ittihad have
acquired their training in Somalia and infiltrated into Ethiopia. Political disorder in
Somalia increased the availability of automatic weapons and as a consequence AK-47
rifles are abundantly available in the Somali region. Many Abdalla Tolomogge actively
involve in ONLF and comparatively only few Awlihan. EPRDF cadres in the
government structure indirectly control the regional administration. The representatives
of the regional government in most cases have not provided solutions or have not taken
action on pertinent issues in the Somali region.
“Clannishness” is predominant in the Somali region and results in competition over
scarce resources and civil servant positions. The location where public infrastructure is
built in Somali region depends mostly on where the president of the region comes
from. A case in point is the hospital in Cherati or the boarding school in Shekosh. High
officials at regional level who facilitated the establishment of the infrastructure
represented these two districts. Hargele where the hospital is built is situated in an
inaccessible location without facilities such as water or electricity. Some elders say that
a start should have been made with the establishment of a health centre. Shekosh is a
wereda with no facilities such as road, water or electricity. From a development
perspective it is necessary to establish criteria for using the regional budget rather than
share it on a clan basis.

[ina aadan]

50
include a number of other clan representatives from each of the zone’s weredas. The
Godey wereda officials are Abdalla Tolomogge only while the Adadley wereda
officials are both from Awlihan and Abdalla Tolomogge.
8.5 External Factors Exacerbating the Conflicts
External factors, which influence the above-described conflict, include insecurity, civil
war in Somalia, federal intervention and clannishness. The ONLF, which draws support
from the Mohammed Zuber, Bah Gerri, Makahil and Otology clans excluding Awlihan,
operates in Fiq, Korahe, Warder, Deghabur and Godey zones, especially in Denan and
Imi weredas. The movement of outsiders (non-Somali, also sometimes non-Ogadeni,
for example Isaaq) in these zones is hampered. Some Al-Ittihad groups (Islamic
fundamentalists) seem to operate in Fiq zone and the security situation has been
deteriorating recently. The two movements are creating instability in the region and
thus the flow of traffic and goods between Godey, Hagere and Jigjiga is hampered
unless military convoy escort trucks.
Since 1991 neighbouring Somalia has been without a central government and
instability has resulted in arms proliferation and a flourishing contraband trade in the
Somali region of Ethiopia. Insurgent groups such as ONLF and Al-Ittihad have
acquired their training in Somalia and infiltrated into Ethiopia. Political disorder in
Somalia increased the availability of automatic weapons and as a consequence AK-47
rifles are abundantly available in the Somali region. Many Abdalla Tolomogge actively
involve in ONLF and comparatively only few Awlihan. EPRDF cadres in the
government structure indirectly control the regional administration. The representatives
of the regional government in most cases have not provided solutions or have not taken
action on pertinent issues in the Somali region.
“Clannishness” is predominant in the Somali region and results in competition over
scarce resources and civil servant positions. The location where public infrastructure is
built in Somali region depends mostly on where the president of the region comes
from. A case in point is the hospital in Cherati or the boarding school in Shekosh. High
officials at regional level who facilitated the establishment of the infrastructure
represented these two districts. Hargele where the hospital is built is situated in an
inaccessible location without facilities such as water or electricity. Some elders say that
a start should have been made with the establishment of a health centre. Shekosh is a
wereda with no facilities such as road, water or electricity. From a development
perspective it is necessary to establish criteria for using the regional budget rather than
share it on a clan basis.
51
9 Concluding Remarks and
Recommendations
9.1 Concluding Remarks
Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan elders have tried to mediate the conflict between the
two groups by shuttling between Bohol Hagere and Godey. Some of the authors’ key
informants have been involved in the conflict as mediators. Awlihan elders say that the
Abdalla Tolomogge should move to the eastern side of the Wabi Shebelle river and that
they should return their land to Awlihan. They also state that the Abdalla Tolomogge
can use their land but cannot claim ownership over it. A final meeting between the two
groups had been concluded with a prayer. The Abdalla Tolomogge say they want to
share land resources with the Awlihan and have more decision making power at
Adadley wereda level and live together with Awlihan. On the other hand, the deputy
wereda administrator of Godey, regional parliament members of Awlihan and the
regional parliament members of Abdalla Tolomogge reiterated that the two clans
should live in peace and harmony. They all stressed that there is no alternative to
peaceful co-existence.
The following section briefly recapitulates the major finding of this study:
• Godey, Adadley and the surrounding weredas are more often devastated by
drought when compared to other weredas in Somali region. The name Godey
means “lowland” when compared to the surrounding areas.
• With the introduction of land enclosures in the 1990s, Adadley wereda and the
surrounding weredas started to transform their communal grazing land into semiprivate
land holdings. In the long run this may erode the use of communal grazing
land in a society where land is communally and livestock individually owned.
• The environment has been made vulnerable and fragile due to the exploitation of
natural resources for firewood and building material. The returnees from Somalia
have damaged natural resources and the environment. There is no traditional xeer
that protects the environment.
• Elders aggravate conflicts and beat drums. When it comes to the ordinary
pastoralists they are not much worried as to whom the land belongs to as long as
they have access to grazing, farm land and water. The role of the wereda
administrators is similar to elders who prefer turmoil in order to create recognition
for themselves, thereby staying in power longer. The elders and wereda
administrators of Abdalla Tolomogge and Awlihan want to live in peace.
Members of Barer Saad and Aden Abdalla of Abdalla Tolomogge are always
saying, “let us live in peace with Awlihan”. They seem to cherish good
relationship with the Awlihan.

[hanqadh]

1 Similarly, the Rahnwein in Belet Weyn, Luq and Huddur (Somalia) are fighting against the Awlihan in
the same locality over the Rabdhure wells situated on the border with Somalia. Between February and
March 2005 about 18 Awlihan and 22 Rahnwein were killed in related disputes

ina aadan sheekadan say ku dhamaatay ma haysaa, bakool.

[ina aadan]

1 Similarly, the Rahnwein in Belet Weyn, Luq and Huddur (Somalia) are fighting against the Awlihan in
the same locality over the Rabdhure wells situated on the border with Somalia. Between February and
March 2005 about 18 Awlihan and 22 Rahnwein were killed in related disputes

ina aadan sheekadan say ku dhamaatay ma haysaa, bakool.

haa waan so dhamaystiri abti

[Lord Diplock]

Ina Aadan

The Cowlyahans need to defend themselves against the Hawiyes and others in Bakool (Somalia) instead of encroaching onto Abdalla land sxb. They can't take our land.