Marexaan Dominance in Liban District, Ethiopia
Posted: Wed Nov 25, 2009 8:45 am
1.2.4 Which ethnic groups are present in the area, which languages arespoken?1.2.5. Do the communities consider themselves indigenous peoples (if yes,which one(s)? Does the study area coincide or is part of the costumaryterritory of such peoples?Borana is the main group, speaking Oromo.Other pastoral groups are Gabra Miigo (speaking Oromo) Marehan (speaking Somali) Guji (speaking Oromo), neighbors, occasionally encroaching, Garri (speaking Oromo and Somali), neighbors, occasionally encroaching Degodia (speaking Somali), neighbors, occasionally encroachingThe following ethnic groups are mainly engaged in agriculture: Burji (speaking Burji) Konso (speaking Konso) Oromo from different areas immigrated at different timesOther urban groups: Amhara (speaking Amharic) Ethiopians of various linguistic background, speaking AmharicThe Borana customary leadership has adhered to the World Alliance of MobileIndigenous Peoples and do consider themselves as an indigenous people.The others did not yet take any formal position
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261.5.5 How well do local governance structures comply with indicators of goodgovernance (participation, transparency, accountability?)1.5.6 Are current governance settings considered legitimate at the local level?Participation, transparency and accountability are the constitutive characteristics ofgadaa governance and of the Borana customary procedures in general. However, theinternal mechanism only works within the Borana community, and, particularly therural community.Customary governance is considered legitimate by the Borana.It is also considered legitimate by other pastoral groups living among the Borana, asthe Gabra Migo, or other pastoralists occasionally interacting with the Borana, such asGuji-Oromo or the Somali Mareexaan, especially in relation to pastoral use of naturalresources.However, this legitimacy only operates at the informal level and with reference to the rural setting. The relevance and influence of customary institutions on town matters,where different ethnic groups mainly live, and on governmental politics is considered irrelevant, even when town-based (or governmental) decisions affects use of, access ofand management of natural resources in the countryside. Over the last 15 years majorinter-ethnic conflicts occurred as a consequence of this type of town-drawn decisions.
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"The Garri and Degodia also tend to represent themselves as a minority that hashistorically suffered the Borana hegemony"
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261.5.5 How well do local governance structures comply with indicators of goodgovernance (participation, transparency, accountability?)1.5.6 Are current governance settings considered legitimate at the local level?Participation, transparency and accountability are the constitutive characteristics ofgadaa governance and of the Borana customary procedures in general. However, theinternal mechanism only works within the Borana community, and, particularly therural community.Customary governance is considered legitimate by the Borana.It is also considered legitimate by other pastoral groups living among the Borana, asthe Gabra Migo, or other pastoralists occasionally interacting with the Borana, such asGuji-Oromo or the Somali Mareexaan, especially in relation to pastoral use of naturalresources.However, this legitimacy only operates at the informal level and with reference to the rural setting. The relevance and influence of customary institutions on town matters,where different ethnic groups mainly live, and on governmental politics is considered irrelevant, even when town-based (or governmental) decisions affects use of, access ofand management of natural resources in the countryside. Over the last 15 years majorinter-ethnic conflicts occurred as a consequence of this type of town-drawn decisions.
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"The Garri and Degodia also tend to represent themselves as a minority that hashistorically suffered the Borana hegemony"