Libya's quiet war

[SahanGalbeed]

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4X-ps7QyBjI

[CigaalSHiiDaaDCFC]

waryaa have you voted today?

[SahanGalbeed]

I cannot vote anigu, iska permanent resident baan ahay , Ilaah ba og maalintaan dawladda dhalasho ka codsan doono

Waxaanad u dhalan la isku ma qasbo

[SahanGalbeed]

Back to the topic , first pictures of the area

[SahanGalbeed]

The story

Throughout their history (see “Tribal Dynamics and Civil War (1)“), Libya’s tribes have not been based exclusively on systematic tribalism, but rather on a flexible tribal ideology that is grounded in identity and shifts according to circumstances and practical opportunities. This shifting tribal ideology makes the non-Arab tribes different from the majority of the actors in Northern Libya, who are more or less bound by religious or political ideology – and thus ally with similar groups

[SahanGalbeed]

Furthermore, tribalism naturally produces “nepotism and favoritism” amongst tribal groups and families (Varvelli, ISPI, May 2013), but Libya’s minority tribes have also shown that they can unite to protest shared grievances, as we shall see below. The Amazigh (Berber), Toubou, and Tuareg tribes have been culturally marginalized, denied citizenship rights, and lack political representation, which remain sources of contention . As a result, the tribal grievances constructed over history, including during the Qaddafi regime and the post-revolutionary era, as well as conflict over vital trade networks in the South, are now significant variables in Libya’s civil war.

The Tuareg tribes are of the Berber, or Amazigh, ethnicity and inhabit the Saharan countries of Algeria, Niger, Mali, Chad, Nigeria, and Burkina Faso, in addition to Libya.Originally nomadic, they now have a seminomadic and pastoralist lifestyle, but have turned to transnational trade routes for economic opportunities.Tuareg political grievances in post-Qaddafi Libya include demands for economic development and state job opportunities in the Tuareg regions, as well as state support for “our culture and language,” according to Mohamed Abdelqader, the mayor of the Tuareg town of Ghat.The Tuareg – as well as the Amazigh and Toubou – also feel underrepresented at the Constitutional Drafting Committee and have altogether called for a “consensus principle” that would allow them to have a sufficient voice in the process.When the General National Congress was considered the legitimate authority, independent politicians represented some of the minority tribes, but left the government when the decision for a new constitution came to an impasse

When political demands are not met, the Tuareg, as the Amazigh, use boycotts and protests as political leverage. In addition to boycotting elections, boycotting GNC sessions, and forming a Tuareg Supreme Council to advance their political concerns, Tuareg tribesmen were able to shut down the Sharara oilfield several times by protesting the government for “greater access to citizenship registration, development of local areas, and the reinstatement of local council members rejected by the central government

The continuation of political grievances could increase the possibility of a confederation of Tuareg tribes pursuing regional autonomous governance as an alternative, similar to the Political Bureau of Cyrenaica , or the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad in Mali. There, their fellow Tuareg endured similar circumstances and formed the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) – a movement that desired “an independent state or an autonomous region” for the Azawad Tuareg, which received support from some Tuareg fighters that had fought in the 2011 Libyan revolution.

[Gaashaanle1000]

The Tuareg and Toubou which are both marginalised groups are now engaging in a full out war. Seems like both groups are fighting for power and both have their own agenda. I think we will soon see Libya slowly morphing into the sort of situation we have in Somalia, in time there will be regional self declared autonomous regions asking for independence from the rest of Libya.

[Thuganomics]

Ina Baxar:Inaadeer shoow all these years when you were defending the US and Israel.Waxaad islaheyd waraaqda yar ha kuu soo tuuraan.
Don't worry amma support them with you as from tonigh


USA !USA ! USA ! USA !

[HooBariiska]

is this pic for real, i see it but i dont blee it

[SahanGalbeed]

The Tuareg and Toubou had a relatively stable relationship in Southwestern Libya (also known as Fezzan) from 1875 or 1893 (depending on the source) to 2014 under a truce called “Midi Midi” (“Friend Friend”), which was needed to divide control of the vital trade routes in Southern Libya, as the routes were pivotal for their economic sustainability . Midi Midi established Tuareg control over land and trade routes west of the Salvador Triangle (a remote area at the junction of the Libya, Algeria and Niger borders) and Toubou control over trade routes east of the triangle

These well-established, cross-border trade routes and smuggling networks converging through Libya from Chad, Algeria, and Niger are currently used for smuggling subsidized food and fuel, migrants, cigarettes, alcohol, drugs, and weapons . The truce over these areas even lasted through the 2011 revolution, when most of the Toubou sided with the rebels and many of the Tuareg fought for Qaddafi – who promised citizenship rights, as he had in the past, to take part in his invasion of neighboring Chad. The truce continued until September 2014, when the Tuareg and Toubou clashed in Ubari, a strategic town that provides some control over the South’s smuggling routes, as well as the neighboring el-Sharara oilfield

What caused the current Tuareg-Toubou conflict for control of strategic sites, such as Ubari, when Midi Midi effectively divided the control of the trade routes for over one hundred years?

The breakdown of the long-lasting truce can likely be attributed to two primary actions. First, the National Transitional Council decided to award primary control of the Southern borders to the Toubou, who had fought on the side of the revolutionaries. As a result, the Toubou and Zintani tribes took action to “safeguard the Sharara oil field…cutting the Tuareg out of their share” . A related aspect is which tribal group has rightful territorial control

Second, the balance of power over trade and smuggling routes shifted as a result of regional effects. As established in the Midi Midi truce, Tuareg tribes control the trade routes on the Algerian border, while the Toubou control the trade routes to Chad and Niger . It is important to note the transnational ethnicities that play a role in the smuggling routes, such as Libyan Tuareg links with their fellow Tuareg in Mali and Niger, and a link between Libyan and Chadian Toubou. Shaw and Mangan (2014) note important regional shifts in the smuggling routes that likely had a primary role in Tuareg-Toubou clashes. Indeed, Algerian security forces have increased their efforts to combat smuggling and the French intervention in Mali forced traffickers to change routes, lest they be caught and their products seized (Ibid). Thus, less secure routes though the Algeria-Libyan border forced smugglers to change to the Niger-Libyan route, which “prompted a shift in the established balance of power from the [Tuareg] into the hands of the [Toubou], who control the border region from the Salvador Triangle to Sudan” (Ibid). Such a shift may also have an effect on Tuareg tribes and extremist groups in Fezzan, which we shall discuss below.

Toubou control of vital economic and strategic sites – notably the El-Sharara oilfield and the Southern border smuggling routes – has a profound effect on the Tuareg, who not only clash with the Toubou over the strategic town of Ubari, but also formed an alliance with Misrata Dawn of Libya forces and the General National Congress. On the other hand, the Toubou have primarily allied themselves with Operation Dignity and the Council of Representatives (. The clashes between the Tuareg and Toubou in Fezzan may also be drawing transnational fighter support from their fellow tribes in neighboring countries .

https://www.redanalysis.org/2015/04/20/ ... vil-war-2/

[SahanGalbeed]

PARIS — A potentially critical conflict has gone largely unnoticed in southern Libya yet could open up a gateway to sub-Saharan Africa for the Daesh terror group, analysts say.

Daesh has consolidated its hold along Libya's northern coast, and experts are concerned the extremists may now be pushing into the remote desert region of Fezzan in the southwest of the country.

Sitting on the crossroads between Algeria, Niger and Chad, Fezzan offers lucrative sources of income from smuggling and already acts as a hideout for Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQMI) and other extremist groups.

It is one of Africa's main drug routes, traversed by migrants from sub-Saharan Africa hoping to get to Europe as well as by foreign mercenaries, mostly African, heading to join Daesh at their Sirte stronghold in northeastern Libya.

Penetrating south through Fezzan could ultimately help Daesh link up with its brutal Nigerian sister organisation, Boko Haram, as well as providing a rear base in case of any international assault on its positions along the Mediterranean coast, analysts say.

However, the desert region remains something of an intelligence black hole and the extent of Daesh's intrusion is unclear.

For now, the group's priority is holding on to its northern strongholds, said Jerome Tubiana, a researcher with the Small Arms Survey think tank.

"That said, going down towards Niger, forming ties with Boko Haram — the IS [Daesh] arm in west Africa — and competing with AQMI could obviously be tempting for Daesh," he said.

Tribes, criminals, extremists

Extremist groups are able to exploit a complex rash of local rivalries in Libya's southern desert region.

Since the 2011 revolution that ousted longtime dictator Muammar Qadhafi, Fezzan has been embroiled in conflict involving the ethnic Tubus and Tuaregs, as well as two Arab tribes, the Zuwaya and the Awlad Suleiman.

"Military authority [in Fezzan] lies mainly with tribal, criminal and extremist groups," said a UN report this month.

The Tubus are currently in the ascendant in Fezzan after helping to overthrow Qadhafi.

Having been marginalised under the former regime, they now control much of the region’s resources, including recently discovered gold mines spread across the three-way border between Libya, Chad and Niger.

“With the fall of Qadhafi, the Tubus... took control of the borders between these three countries and between Libya and Sudan,” said Tubiana.

That has given them control over much of the local smuggling and trade, and they are fighting for control of oil and petrol stations, he told AFP.

“Their militias have set up checkpoints on the main cross-Saharan roads... transporting food and manufactured goods from Libya and importing livestock from the Sahel,” Tubiana said, adding that contraband such as cigarettes and cocaine also pass through the region.

Regional rivalry

For Daesh, this presents opportunities as well as challenges.

The many local militias means there are plenty of groups who would be hostile to a potential Daesh takeover.

French soldiers stationed in the Sahel Desert are also lying in wait, Tubiana said.

So far, Daesh has carried out few attacks in the region, though analysts say this may be because it wishes to avoid reprisals from the many regional actors who take a close interest in Fezzan.

The Tubus enjoy the backing of the internationally recognised government based in Libya’s eastern city of Tobruk, while their Tuareg and Arab rivals have the support of the Islamist coalition that rules from Tripoli.

Regional powers have also been sucked into the conflict in southern Libya, with the Tubus’ natural ally Chad finding itself in a proxy war with Qatar.

In turn, that has dragged in more Middle Eastern governments: the United Arab Emirates and Egypt side with Chad, while Qatar is supported by Turkey and Sudan.

Daesh “could be concerned about follow-up foreign intervention [air raids] that could weaken the position in the northern regions”, said the aid the TRACterrorism think tank.

http://www.jordantimes.com/news/region/ ... 94-experts

[SahanGalbeed]

The UAE must be careful here not to blindly follow Al Sissi in his support for the Eastern Lybian gov . There are ethnic problems here that are bigger than the eye can meet . In Fezzan the French have started to arm this guy , a real African warlord who will chase whomever will give him weapons and money . With the weapons he's gained he pushed for a Tubu expansion venturing into Touareg zone of influence . That's not good !


The Tubu like to market themselves as " moderate" muslims with an african flavor that are legendary fighters the last ones to convert to Islam . The truth to the matter is , they are no more legendary than anybody else and the French have always used them in their military calling them the "gorane" . The used to make profit from the commerce of their black brothers since immemorial times , up to today from Nigeria/Niger to Lybia /Europe

[SahanGalbeed]

Libya's UN-backed Presidential Council, based in Tunis, has called on the international community to stop dealing with any rival powers within Libya.

Lybian Western backed prime minister based in Tunis

The council nominated a unity government last month, but recognition of the cabinet has been delayed.

Libya has had two competing governments since 2014, following the downfall of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in 2011.

The eastern House of Representatives (HOR), based in Tobruk, has failed to vote to approve the unity government.

The council said in a statement on Saturday that a document signed by a majority of the HOR's members backing the new government, as well as the endorsement by the Political Dialogue Team, represented a "green light to start work".

However, on Thursday, a statement by Libya's Political Dialogue Team - composed of members of political figures in Libya and some MPs representing the country's two rival parliaments - did not appear to pave the way for this move.

It called for a speedy parliamentary vote on the proposed government, the BBC's Rana Jawad in Tunis notes.

The Presidential Council is tasked with organising a transition of power to end the political chaos and armed conflict that has plagued Libya since Gaddafi's downfall.

But the Tunis-based council has faced stiff opposition from hardliners in both the HOR, which has received international recognition, and in a rival parliament in the capital, Tripoli

The political and security vacuum in the country has helped the so-called Islamic State group to establish a foothold in the north African country, carrying out attacks on cities and against oil installations.

The council was formed with the signing of a UN-brokered political agreement in December.

Its first proposal in January was marred by divisions over who would occupy senior security posts and was rejected.

Its members are still working outside Libya because rival factions in the capital, Tripoli, and their militia backers, remain opposed to the political agreement

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-35796482

[SahanGalbeed]

Meanwhile this is what the brits are cooking .

SAS deployed in Libya since start of year, says leaked memo

...

King Abdullah said UK special forces needed his soldiers’ assistance when operating on the ground in north Africa, explaining “Jordanian slang is similar to Libyan slang”.

...

The king raised particular concerns over al-Shabaab, the Islamist militant group in Somalia that has links with both Isis and al-Qaida.

“Jordan is looking at al-Shabaab because no one was really looking at the issue, and we cannot separate this issue, and the need to look at all the hotspots in the map,” he said

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/m ... g-abdullah

[original dervish]

Jordan is a US/UK/Israeli training base for jihadists heading to Syria.