I think you're under the impression I'm anti-Somaliland. In fact, I've reiterated my beliefs time and time again here in the face of hostility from both landers and nonlanders. As a firm believer in the right of self determination, I support the people of Somaliland in their struggle for independence. Of course, as a firm believer in the right of self determination, I also believe that there should be a referendum that puts to rest the SSC issue so an amicable split can be finally reached, along the lines of Czechoslovakia. I've always prided myself on my objectivity and rationality despite the Somali tendency to inject every discussion with qabiil and rancor.
Now, to get to the matter at hand. I'm sure you'll excuse me if I take the article from Somalilandpress with a grain of salt. In fact, this recent email from Matt Baugh, UK Senior Representative for Somalia of the British High Commission, has been making the rounds. I'll highlight the important parts.
LONDON CONFERENCE: MAIN MESSAGES AND INITIAL CONCLUSIONS
1. Political Process.
Key messages include:
- It is clear that August 2012 is a key deadline.
- Other parties in Somalia need to be brought into the political process more effectively, to allow for more representative government. The
- Transitional Federal Institutions could be succeeded by some form of Constituent Assembly and Interim Authority.
- Some feel strongly that there needs to be a decisive shift towards supporting some of the regional administrations like Puntland and Galmudug, building on the relative success of Somaliland. Others are equally clear that support for central organs of state remains a key principle.
- All wanted better coordination between international partners on assistance; some suggested a Joint Financial Management Board.
So, some initial conclusions are:
- We should be clear in London that current arrangements come to an end in August;
- That successor arrangements should be more representative and accountable to the Somali people;
- There should be greater transparency of government receipts and expenditure, and between donors/partners;
- That we should aim to coordinate packages of developmental and other support to authorities beyond Mogadishu as part of widening the national political process (more detail on this below);
- And build towards proper national elections in the not-too-distant future.
7. Local stability
Key messages include;
- Many of us are already providing some support at a sub-national level in Somalia, though there is no agreement between us on who will concentrate where.
- Many of the sub-national regions would like better coordination architecture.
- A multi-donor fund to support local stability could be an efficient way to channel resources and improve coordination.
- It would be useful to have a common set of principles for support.
Some initial conclusions are that in London we should aim at:
- Agreement on an international approach to promoting stability at the sub-national level; a common set of principles for support; and perhaps some agreement on how best to divide our efforts geographically;
- And perhaps a multi-donor Local Stability Fund with associated coordination architecture.
To be honest, that sounds a hell of a lot different from what Somalilandpress wrote. Is it smart for a self declared independent nation to sit at the table with regional administrations of a country they separated from 20 years ago?
Like I said above, that just sounds like a tacit admission of Somaliland's status as a regional administration. I don't see what the Somaliland government gains from attending this conference, other than divvying up the pie with administrations like Galmudug, Puntland, and ASWJ, thereby implicitly accepting regional status.