mujahiid silaanyo and faqash huguntay .

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mujahiid silaanyo and faqash huguntay .

Post by wadaniweyn1 »

this is the mujahiid seelanyos interview in 1989 after snm gave faqash bare
the biggest kick in da mouth Cool


Silanyo We are the Mujahidiin of the Horn of Africa
We are the Mujahidiin of the Horn of Africa

Somali Rebel Chief Silanyo on SNM Aims

Nairobi DAILY NATION in English 23Nov 1989 p 6



Michel Sailham’s article on SNM: “Tactically Strong, Somali Rebels Lack Clear Politics”

[Text] Rebels fighting to bring down President Mohamed Said Barre's regime have made spectacular military gains, but seem short on practical ideas of what they would do if they won the battle.

“The Mogadishu Government is of a brutality that has no parallel in the rest of the world”, SNM [Somali National Movement] President Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo told an AFP reporter at its headquarters south of the northern capital, Hargeisa.

“Barre has no parallel. We want an egalitarian system, a democratic form of government, free elections and a multiparty system,” Silanyo said, setting out the aims of the Somali National Movement, which was founded in London in 1981.

He accused troops loyal to Major-General Barre, who has held power for two decades, of killing and wounding more than 50,000 people in northern Somalia in the past 18 months, mainly in heavy bombing raids against civilians. Many victims are Issaqs, who consider them­selves ignored by Mogadishu.

In May, the SNM launched a major offensive against main towns in the north. Though swiftly forced to pull out, it took control of vast tracts of territory east of the border with Djibouti and of several smaller towns, including Zeila and Loya’adde.

Four SNM divisions surround Hargeisa, a correspondent traveling through the region was told as he looked down on the abandoned town from the highlands with the rebel Commander-in-Charge. But Colonel Mohamed Ali Omar, a deserter, would not say how exactly many rebels fighters he led.

The SNM pulled out of Hargeisa for “tactical reason” in August, but sends reconnaissance teams in at night. Government troops hold a nearby barracks and airport. The 800,000 inhabitants have fled.

The rebels want full control over roads from Hargeisa to Borama in the west and the northeastern Port of Berbera, but government troops have mined access to the roads and shot at the SNM patrol taking in this reporter and a photographer early one morning.

Well-equipped, heavily armed, most of the fighters ques­tioned by AFP were unable to give a clear account of the rebel movement's goals, notwithstanding the policies sketched by Silanyo.

“People are fighting, but they don't know why,” one SNM intellectual said of the war that has pitted Sunni Muslims of the same faith and the same language against each other. “All these ideas of democracy are on paper; it is not put into practice.”

As moderate Muslims, SNM militants reject any form of fundamentalism and often forget their daily duties of prayer. “First we fight, then we'll see,” said one, Ibrahim Ahmed Musa.

Most often, the rebels compared themselves with the Muslim guerrillas fighting the Communist government in Afghanistan. “We are the Mujahidiin of the Horn of Africa,” as one put it. “Barre always regarded Issaqs as a threat,” said Silanyo. “The North has a lot of grievances, underdevelopment, and repression. We are at the receiving end.”

The intellectual, who asked not to be named, believes the political vacuum stems from the fact that “no leader has emerged so far from the fighting”.

“We believe we can win the war,” he added, “but there will still be a long way to go in terms of politics.”

Silanyo, who was a minister under major-General Barre until 1982, is not a fighter and his authority has been contested several times. The Movement's Central Com­mittee of 47 only includes seven soldiers; all colonels who deserted form the regular army and no guerrilla leaders.

There are also only seven Issaqs on the Central Com­mittee, though most of the Movement's thousands of combatants are drawn from the Northern clan. Last year, the SNM reached an accord with the neighbouring Issa people, on the fight against Central Authority.

But most of the high-ranking officers who have defected to the rebels come, like much of the Somali army itself, from the Ogaden clan. Internationally, the Movement could well find itself short of heavyweight allies.

The Soviet Union has in the past backed the regime in Mogadishu, which began as a revolutionary government but has over the years turned into what almost resembles a Barre family concern.

The Major-General switched to Washington at the begin­ning of the Ogaden war against Moscow's Ethiopian allies in 1977.

The United States has recently closely tied its backing for the government to an improvement in its widely criticized human rights records, but it is clear that the political future of the SNM rebels will largely depend on its ability to extend its support among the patchwork of clans in Somalia.
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Re: mujahiid silaanyo and faqash huguntay .

Post by wadaniweyn1 »

Interview with SNM Foreign Minister Abdurahman Tuur
Tuur: Barre’s Regime Has to Go
London: AL-DUSTUR in Arabic 21 Aug 89 pp 8-9

[Interview with SNM Foreign Minister Abdurahman Ahmed Ali [Tuur] by Kamal Samari: “AL-DUSTUR Interviews Somali Opposition Leader: ‘We Are Calling for a Weapons Embargo against Siyaad Barre’”]



Once again events in Somalia made headlines last month. Reports from Western embassies and Western firms in Somalia concurred that “the fall of Siyaad Barre’s regime was imminent and that the Somali president’s reliance on the army was no longer enough to guarantee that he would stay in power.” This was mentioned in a report prepared by an American firm, a copy of which was obtained by AL-DUSTUR.

The aforementioned report ends with an unequivocal statement that “conditions in Somalia cannot improve until Siyaad Barre is overthrown.”

Did Western countries, which are supporting the regime in Somalia – and Washington and Rome head a list of countries supporting that regime – decide to abandon Siyaad Barre? What is the position of Arab countries, some of which are still supporting Siyaad Barre’s regime? What is the solution which is being proposed by factions of Somalia’s opposition to get Somalia out of its predica­ment? I took these questions to Mr. Abdurahman Ahmed Ali [Tuur], Somalia’s former ambassador to the United Arab Emir­ates and foreign relations secretary for the Somali National Movement [SNM].

[AL-DUSTUR] What are the most recent developments in Somalia? Is it true that calm has been restored to the capital, Mogadishu?

[Tuur] The uprising of our people last July 14 was the result of deteriorating conditions throughout the country. It was the people’s reaction to the horrible crimes committed by Siyaad Barre’s regime and the policy of total destruction which he practiced in the northern part of the country. Although the security forces and the armed forces of Siyaad Barre’s tribe, the Marehan [Clan], are deployed in the capital, Mogadishu, that fact did not prevent our people from fighting to resist this ruling clique. Leaflets were distributed in the streets, and posters were posted calling for the fall of the regime and expressing support for the SNM. Prayer leaders deliv­ering their sermons in the mosques condemned the crimes which were committed by these troops against unarmed citizens and demanded that this tribal regime which devastated the country be overthrown.

Calls for the government’s resignation, recognition for opposition parties, and honest legislative elections were heard even during the conference which was held recently, from 17 June to 2 July, by the so-called Revo­lutionary Socialist Party, which is the only recognized party in Somalia. And yet, Siyaad Barre ordered confer­ence proceedings stopped, and he took a series of repres­sive measures against citizens in north Somalia.

In addition to these factors, Siyaad Barre’s policy, with regard to human rights violations, on the one hand, or the deterioration of economic and social conditions, on the other, did, of course, have negative effects. Somali citizens’ opposition to Barre’s regime grew everywhere in the country, even in Mogadishu, which is considered the only stronghold for Siyaad Barre’s regime.

Faced with this explosive situation, Siyaad Barre and his clique killed a Christian bishop in Mogadishu, whose only crime was to condemn the massacres committed by the army and to demand an end to human rights viola­tions. It seems that the regime was also accusing the bishop, who had been living in the Somali capital for 40 years, of leaking information to an Amnesty Interna­tional delegation which had visited Somalia late last June. The regime tried to pin the assassination on Muslim clerics to justify, on the one hand, its repressive policies against the imams, and, to try, on the other hand, distracting international public opinion away from the stifling crisis in which Barre’s regime has been floundering.

The first confrontation between demonstrators and Siyaad Barre’s troops resulted in the death of 750 citizens and the kidnapping of approximately 1,000, who may have been killed but whose fate remains unknown. Approxi­mately 1,500 citizens from north Sudan were also arrested, and incidents of rape, looting, and killing are still taking place. Neutral sources indicated that approx­imately 46 persons, including students, professors, and civil servants, were executed on the beach in Mogadishu in the presence of General Maslah, Siyaad Barre’s son, who participated personally in the execution of innocent civilians. Contrary to what is being promoted by official propaganda, order has not been established in Mogad­ishu. It is likely that tense conditions in that city will become even more tense, just as they did in Hargeisa and Burao on the eve of the June 1989 events.

[AL-DUSTUR] The ongoing conflict in Somalia has been described by some observers as an ethnic [clan?], not a political conflict. What would you say to this charge?

[Tuur] The people of Somalia are a cohesive people who speak the same language. The vast majority of Somalis are Sunni Muslims. Therefore, the reasons for the present crisis are not ethnic. As I mentioned earlier, this crisis has been caused by the people’s growing anger with the repressive policies pursued by Siyaad Barre’s regime and the massacres that were committed by his troops. The people are angry with a tribal system which allows the Marehan Tribe, Siyaad Barre’s tribe, to monopolize key positions in government. Barre appointed his son, Mas­lah, general, and recently he appointed him army com­mander. Ten years ago Barre appointed his brother, Abdurahman Jama Barre, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and recently, he appointed Ahmed Suleyman Abdulle, his brother-in-law, who had served for years as head of the National Security Agency, minister of interior. These are a few examples of the favoritism practiced by this tribal regime.

[AL-DUSTUR] Official circles in Somalia accused clerics of provoking the disturbances which were seen in the capital, Mogadishu. Is there a religious movement behind these disturbances?

[Tuur] Siyaad Barre’s regime is trying to promote these charges for the purpose of reducing the popularity of the opposition in Somalia. Barre’s regime is also trying to win the support of Western countries by suggesting that those who oppose the government are religious fanatics. The fact is, there is no religious movement in Somalia. Fanaticism is alien to our people who are known for their tolerance. To prove the point, let me say that our movement, the SNM, is represented in Rome by a Christian. And yet, our Muslim people are extremely disturbed by the outcome of Siyaad Barre’s policies. These policies caused a decline in values and spread bribery and corruption in the administration and in government offices. The uprising of our Muslim people in Hargeisa in 1982 and 1984, which was opposed with bullets and repression, may provide the best evidence that our people oppose a regime which scorns values.

[AL-DUSTUR] To what extent do the factions of the Somali opposition coordinate their activities with each other? What is your relationship with the recently estab­lished United Somali Congress?

[Tuur] There is no doubt that the victories scored by the SNM indicate that, as far as its numbers and its condi­tion are concerned, the SNM is the strongest opposition movement to Siyaad Barre’s regime and that it enjoys broad popular support everywhere in the country. The movement’s political and military organization is well­ contrived and effective. Our movement, which is the largest and strongest movement in the country, has a central committee that consists of citizens from north, central, and south Somalia. Consequently, it took upon itself the responsibility of coordinating activities with other factions of the Somali opposition and communi­cating with those factions, including the United Somali Congress. In this regard, reference must be made to the fact that our movement welcomed the position taken by the new movement. That position, which was announced at the new movement’s organizational conference, declared that the United Somali Congress was willing to work with the SNM.



[AL-DUSTUR] But why hasn’t Siyaad Barre’s regime been overthrown yet? Who is supporting him inside Somalia and abroad? What are the forces that have kept him in power for two decades?

[Tuur] Siyaad Barre has been using fire and brimstone to rule the country. He has been using repressive institutions which he planted everywhere: in the military, in intelli­gence agencies, and in the military courts.

In addition to these repressive institutions, Siyaad Barre established an army that is made up of the Marehan Tribe and a number of refugees from Ethiopia. This army committed brutal acts recently against Somali citizens in the north and in Mogadishu. Last year, however, the SNM proved that it can penetrate that stronghold which has been protecting Siyaad Barre and his regime throughout the past years. We gave the Somali people evidence that the invincibility of that army was now doubtful. As a result of the SNM’s victories, morale in this army declined; there was discontent and rebellion within its ranks; and a number of army officers joined the Somali opposition to continue the struggle against Siyaad Barre’s regime.

So much for the domestic front, as far as foreign support is concerned, the United States offered Siyaad Barre’s regime military and economic aid in return for the United States’ use of the Berbera Military Base, the Mogadishu Airport, and the Kismayu Airport for mili­tary purposes. Washington’s financial help to Siyaad Barre came in the form of loans to Somalia from the IBRD [International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop­ment] and the IMF. In addition, the United States sent food to Somalia. And yet, the U.S. position and the position of Western countries underwent change during the past 3 months. The U.S. Congress asked President Bush to stop all aid to Siyaad Barre’s regime because of recent human rights violations which occurred in Somalia. Confirmation of the change in the U.S. position toward Siyaad Barre’s regime came in a statement made last July by Herman, assistant U.S. secretary of state for African affairs. In that statement Herman said that the situation in Somalia was critical, and he said that at the present time the country lacked a central administration that was capable of managing the country’s affairs. Washington and Western countries advised their citizens against traveling to Somalia unless it was absolutely necessary.

Some information indicates that a few European Com­munity countries, including Italy, which used to offer assistance to Siyaad Barre’s regime, decided to suspend or reduce their assistance to Barre’s regime. Britain, how­ever, assumed an unequivocal position toward condi­tions in Somalia. In this regard, reference must be made to the fact that Siyaad Barre’s regime is working very hard to acquire weapons from South Africa, Romania, Chile, and the black market. On this occasion, we are asking the international community to prohibit the sale of weapons to Siyaad Barre’s regime because selling weapons to that regime will prolong the tragedies of the Somali people.

[AL-DUSTUR] It seems that your movement adopted the military option to overthrow the regime. What about your political option?

[Tuur] The SNM supports national reconciliation among the citizens of Somalia. Siyaad Barre’s regime, however, has to go. Barre’s regime is the regime which killed hundreds of innocent people and destroyed cities and villages in their entirety with their residents. We are convinced that the fall of this regime is imminent. We will not allow this regime, which carried out its coup on 21 October 1969, to celebrate the 20th anniversary of that coup.

[AL-DUSTUR] What is Ethiopia’s position toward the opposition movements and toward recent events?

[Tuur] Ethiopia is pursuing a policy that guarantees justice among ethnic groups as well as freedom of religion. Ethiopia’s positions in support of the Arab cause have been honorable. Furthermore, Ethiopia embraced more than half a million Somali refugees, all of whom had fled from Siyaad Barre’s purgatory. In the early eighties Somali liberation movements could be found in Ethiopia, that country which has been offering protection over the years to refugees fleeing from their country. In this regard, reference must be made to the fact that the first wave of Muslim refugees who fled from Mecca went to Ethiopia.

Ever since Somalia and Ethiopia concluded an agree­ment in February 1988, all the SNM’s forces have been in Somalia, and they have nothing to do with Ethiopia. Let me conclude by taking this opportunity to speak on behalf of our movement and express our thanks to Ethiopia, which is embracing more than half a million Somali refugees. We are certain that the presence of those refugees in Ethiopia will have a positive effect on relations between the two countries in the future. The presence of Somali refugees in Ethiopia will strengthen the cooperation between Somalis and Ethiopians and will help the two peoples establish good neighborly relations between them.

[AL-DUSTUR] What is the position of Arab countries toward Siyaad Barre’s regime?

[Tuur] The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia refused to receive Siyaad Barre’s envoy. Iraq and Egypt affirmed that they would not furnish Siyaad Barre’s regime with weapons to use against its own people. We asked Colonel al-­Qadhafi, who had previously offered military assis­tance to Siyaad Barre’s regime, to change his policy. Regarding the Emirates, we sent His Highness al-Shaykh Zayid a letter asking him not to fulfill Siyaad Barre’s requests. At the present time Somali envoys are traveling in Arab and Western capitals for the purpose of getting assistance “to rebuild the northern cities which were destroyed by government troops.” We are asking our Arab brothers to help find radical solutions to the problems of the Muslim people of Somalia.
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Re: mujahiid silaanyo and faqash huguntay .

Post by XidigtaJSL »

One of the greatest sons of Duriyada mudane Axmed Maxamuud Siilaanyo during the struggle years for freedom


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D7u59rD1VGY


Next president of Somaliland
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Re: mujahiid silaanyo and faqash huguntay .

Post by Madmadoobe »

One of the greatest isaaqs indeed.
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Re: mujahiid silaanyo and faqash huguntay .

Post by XidigtaJSL »

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EUi9qVuC ... ed&search=

Ilayska kuwii shidoow
Abaal baan kuu qabaa
Agoonta ninkii qadhsoow
Inkaar baan kugu ogahay


Indeed true words of wisdom

Thank you Silaanyo and the many dead and living true SNM heroes who made Somaliland possible, we promise you as the new generation of Duriyada we will carry on where you left, we will not let you down
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Re: mujahiid silaanyo and faqash huguntay .

Post by wadaniweyn1 »

seelanyo , tuur and all other snm mujahadeen somalia up somalia up
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