What does Awdal want?

[Somafiia]

My article “Somaliland’s democratic contradictions” generated a lot of responses. Apart from the usual hate-emails by the feeble-minded, ironically the frequently asked question was; “What does Awdal want?” implying that Awdal has no reason to complain. This piece tries to answer that question and details the relations between Awdal and Somaliland. It also sets out the reasons why Awdal needs to conduct a region-wide referendum to get rid of the unfair confederacy act and secure its legitimate share of the power.




"I shall first provide an overall picture of Awdal’s situation and describe some of the features of Awdal’s current ties with Somaliland."

Somalilanders had dreamed for years after they gave away their independence that one day, time would side them and bring a better change, regain independence and have their own Republic. Out of that dream, Somaliland was reborn in a confederacy of five clans, the Isaaq and the Gadabursi clans being the largest in population.

In a series of inter-clan conferences, culminating in the Borama Conference in 1993, a clan system of government was constructed. A supposedly power-sharing coalition of Somaliland’s main clans, with seats in the Upper and Lower houses proportionally allocated to clans according to the population. The Republic of Somaliland consists of six administrative regions.

The people of Somaliland had the courage to begin dreaming again that the successful implementation of the confederacy will lead to power sharing, mutual caring of the common good, respect to each other and a better, prosperous Somaliland.

So I’m led to ask myself: now, sixteen years after Independence, Is Somaliland a multi-clan-state or a one-clan-state? To answer this question, let us focus the following table which depicts the present power sharing:

Seat allocations by Region:

Awdal – 13 Woqooyi Galbeed – 20 Sanaag - 12
Saaxil – 10 Togdheer - 15 Sool - 12

In respect to the above figures, we know that the common denominator of three regions namely, Woqooyi Galbeed, Saaxil and Togdheer is Isaaq clan. They collectively have 45 seats. While Awdal, a predominantly Gadabursi clan and the major partner has only 13 seats. Note also that Saaxil, a recent add-in region has 10, only 3 seats less than the main partner (Awdal). Absolutely not fair to Awdal. Sool and Sanaag each have one seat less than Awdal and again I remind you that Awdal is a major pillar in the existence of Somaliland. Obviously, there is something wrong in the calculation formula.

Now, put Sool, Sanaag and Awdal together and the result is 37 seats. Far below the number to defeat any motion tabled and supported by the Isaaq but not supported by the others. Be reminded that Somaliland was supposedly formed in a confederacy of clans. One might argue that voting takes place along party lines, but the reality is that when it comes to business, clanship dictates. I guess it is fair to conclude that the whole thing is a mess.

Let us analyse the present power sharing scheme in another angle. Have a look at the below table:
Voting results of the 2005 parliamentary election

Regions Total voters Number of voters an MP represents

Awdal 133,777 10,296 {13 seats}
Hargeisa 255,979 12,799 {20 seats}
Sahil 52,695 5,270 {10 seats}
Sanaag 89,823 7,485 {12 seats}
Sool 20,756 1729 {12 seats}
Togdheer 121,877 8125 {15 seats}
Total 674,907

Now, in regards to the above, an elected member of parliament from Awdal represents 10,296 voters, almost double of the number of voters a member elected from Sahil represents (5270). In the same token, a member elected from Togdheer represents 8125 voters, a significantly much lower number of voters than that of a counterpart from Awdal. An elected member of representative from Woqooyi Galbeed represents 12,799 voters, not a lot more than the number a counterpart from Awdal represents.

Sool and Sanaag member of parliaments collectively represent 9214 voters, again a number lower than that of the voters represented by a member of parliament elected from Awdal (one region out numbers two). Detail analysis of the above speeks volumes. But surely that is the tip of the iceberge. What ever else this might be called, it is clear that it is not proper representation.

"Now, Is Somaliland a multi-clan-state or a one-clan-state? The answer is that it is clear that Somaliland is multi-clan cosmetically, but the real thing is that it is a one-clan-state."

Sixteen years of untruths, economic inequalities and a vision of “I must be the King”:

Awdalians want Somaliland to be multiclan and vaunt the merits of tribal diversity but in such a way that they will be acknowledged as equal partners. People of Awdal believe that Somaliland is a multi-clan entity supported by two major clans as founding peoples who were called, at the time of confederation, Isaaq and Cadabursi. Contrary to Awdal beliefs and in respect to the above tables, Somaliland refuses to consider itself to be a multi-clan state. It is attempting to deny that several clans exist within the country, but some radical gangs with a hidden agenda now seek to turn it into a one-clan Republic. This is the reality of what is happening in Somaliland which should no longer be denied.

The Federal government of Somaliland has promoted unequal economic development through out the years of its existence. The government of Somaliland promoted the economic development of some regions namely Hargeisa, at the expense of all the other regions of the country and especially at the expense of Awdal. Transferring the non-governmental agencies to Hargeisa and not allowing functioning any where else is one of the factors that created unemployment and economic decline in Awdal.

Keeping the civil servants only in the capital also favours a particular clan. While other regions are connected, ignoring the construction of the only road that connects Awdal to the capital and to the commercial areas is another factor of economic decline.

Somaliland government has long practiced a preferential treatment to some groups while always attempting to write off others. Promoting the SNM mujaahiliin as saints and ignoring Naftood Hurayaasha Horyaal has since been a common practice. This was summed up by the famous saying (which still echoes in any Awdalite’s ears) by Sheikh Osman (Sheikh male);

“Ma waxaan u ganaaxanahay Gadabuursi baad difaacdeen…”

Through these inequalities, for which it is largely responsible and which it has never tried to rectify, the Somaliland government has violated the principle of equality between its founding peoples.

We all know, and according to reliable sources, projects are in the works to add the curriculum of the schools a history course to teach the history of the Mujaahiliin SNM. This is absurd now, I say over our dead bodies. Awdal does not need a twenty year old fabricated history of the where abouts of criminals who massacred thousands of people for no apparent reason. Our children can not be taught in schools about who killed their fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, uncles, unties and grandfathers as heroes. That is junk. Awdal has its own rich history that dates back centuries that can be taught in our Awdal schools as well as the history and biography of Naftood hurayaasha Horyaal.

Our children will rather be taught in schools about the history of the one of a kind great politician Allaha u naxariistee Jammac Rabiile than Siilaanyo. Our children will rather be taught about the biography and the heroic stories of my causin Naftii Hure Maxamad Osman (Nakruume) than Mujaahil Biixi. Awdal does not care to know about Mujaahil Dhagawayne but will rather study about Naftii Hure Maxamad Jodhob. Our children will rather study the biography of Naftii Hure Sheekh Osman (Sheekh male) than Mujaahil Kaahin. I will rather read the biography of dynamic Mukhtar than that of Mujaahil Xumaale (Samaale).

Now, what does Awdal want?

Awdal wants its legitimate fair share of the pie, nothing more nothing less. Simply put Awdal wants:

• Representation of all partners at the Federal level must be based on population ratio.

• Equality of employment opportunities

• Appreciation and acknowledgement of its contribution to the building of Somaliland

• Addition of a clause to the constitution to recognize Awdal as a distinct region to protect its economical, employmental and commercial rights from the other three regions whose common denominator is Isaaq.

• Recognition of Awdal’s rights to develop its own educational system.

Iskusoo wada xoori, Nin dacwiyay dantii hadal. That is what Awdal wants, nothing more nothing less.

What Awdal needs to do …… to be continued…..