Breaking news! Eritreans ask SANCTION on Eritrea government!

[lover8]

http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/article.aspx?id=2228

On Independence Anniversary, Eritrean Exiles Lament Repression at Home

Blake Lambert | Bio | 04 Jun 2008
World Politics Review Exclusive

Any celebration of Eritrean independence stands as a contradictory exercise. One of Africa's newest countries, the recent 17th anniversary of independence serves as an important reminder of the prolonged struggle for statehood. Eritreans first shrugged off a host of distant occupiers, including the Turkish, the Italians and the British. Then the international community, particularly the United States and the United Nations, falsely promised them a chance to vote for independence after spending a decade in a federation with Ethiopia, which saw their country as its own. When Ethiopia annexed Eritrea by force, the desire for freedom led to a 30-year armed conflict, which eventually created the modern state.

The unwillingness to surrender to anyone forms part of the national character. In Tigrinya, the major language, it is known as kalsi weledotat or the "struggle of generations." This irrepressibility is combined with a fierce pride in the national achievement. Though the international community recognizes May 24, 1993, as the date of independence, Eritreans universally hold that liberation occurred two years earlier with the defeat of Ethiopian troops.

The problem, however, is that the struggle did not end with independence. Most Eritrean exiles blame President Issaias Afeworki, the sole post-colonial leader, for their country's current problems. Once viewed as a liberator for leading his forces to victory over Ethiopia, he now presides over a single-party state, which outlaws even the mildest dissent. Issaias' People's Front For Democracy and Justice (PDFJ) has transformed Eritrea into a prison for the young: Exit visas are not granted to anyone under 45 years of age. "The people have learned the hard lesson that liberators can turn into monsters," said Balhbi Malk, a one-time member of Eritrea's university student movement who now lives in eastern Canada. "The people are compelled to live under the worst dictator in Eritrean history. The gross violations of human rights, socioeconomic and physical exploitations, oppression, lawlessness and horror have reduced the people to extreme poverty, hopelessness and exile."

What matters most in Eritrea is the military. By one account, it has the highest number of troops per capita in the world, with 43 out of 100 people serving as professionals or reservists. The country has roughly 4 million people.

The military footing exists because of the enmity between Issaias and his cousin, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. While the two leaders cooperated to depose Meles' dictatorial predecessor, Mengistu Haile Mariam, their countries warred from 1998 until 2000 over, to put it crudely, a disputed border town named Badme. A boundary commission subsequently awarded Badme to Eritrea in 2002, but Ethiopia refused to implement the decision. Fears of another war persist since both militaries are deployed near the border, while the mutual belligerence of Issaias and Meles has not abated. If anything, their loathing now extends to Somalia, where Ethiopia removed the Eritrea-supported Union of Islamic Courts in late 2006.

The disadvantages of the militarized situation for Eritreans are threefold. If war with Ethiopia recurs, then a large proportion of its citizens will be at the frontlines fighting needless battles. Secondly, barring a change in American foreign policy, Meles is seen as the staunch U.S. ally, especially since his troops are playing a critical role in Somalia. Eritrea is perceived by American diplomats as a potential state-sponsor of terrorism. Worse, Issaias is not paying a political price for his actions since he has eliminated political opposition, civil society and the free press.

Seven years ago, after the war with Ethiopia ended, Issaias imprisoned members of senior government officials, military commanders and journalists who advocated for the implementation of the 1997 constitution. The document guaranteed multiparty politics and elections. One exile described 2001 as "the end" for freedom and human rights. Unlike North Korea and Zimbabwe, nobody pays attention to Eritrea, he said.

That's perhaps a mistake given the president's attitude. In a recent interview with Al Jazeera English, Issaias suggested elections might not take place for "three or four decades." His appearance left the impression of a man who manufactures his enemies and who never loses an argument even when he proclaims the earth is flat. The interview likely prompted the Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights, a South Africa-based group, to launch an appeal to the African Union's Peace and Security Council. The appeal protests the "unconstitutional grip and maintenance of power in Eritrea" and wants the AU to sanction the "unconstitutional usurpers and holders of power" by suspending the regime from all AU-related activity and by withholding recognition of the government through visa denials and suspension of bilateral contacts.

Yet, in spite of Issaias and the PDFJ's hijacking of the national agenda, Eritreans love their country. While Malk said independence day should not be celebrated when people are desolate, he believes it is important to demonstrate that Eritrea's martyrs did not die in vain. "Today's humiliation and degradation is not the product of their sacrifices but the consequence of our inaction," he said. "We are clearly aware of the fact that we have a long road ahead to celebrate a true sense of freedom and independence."

Blake Lambert is a World Politics Review contributor editor and a veteran Africa correspondent.

[Goljano Lion]

http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/article.aspx?id=2228

On Independence Anniversary, Eritrean Exiles Lament Repression at Home

Blake Lambert | Bio | 04 Jun 2008
World Politics Review Exclusive

Any celebration of Eritrean independence stands as a contradictory exercise. One of Africa's newest countries, the recent 17th anniversary of independence serves as an important reminder of the prolonged struggle for statehood. Eritreans first shrugged off a host of distant occupiers, including the Turkish, the Italians and the British. Then the international community, particularly the United States and the United Nations, falsely promised them a chance to vote for independence after spending a decade in a federation with Ethiopia, which saw their country as its own. When Ethiopia annexed Eritrea by force, the desire for freedom led to a 30-year armed conflict, which eventually created the modern state.

The unwillingness to surrender to anyone forms part of the national character. In Tigrinya, the major language, it is known as kalsi weledotat or the "struggle of generations." This irrepressibility is combined with a fierce pride in the national achievement. Though the international community recognizes May 24, 1993, as the date of independence, Eritreans universally hold that liberation occurred two years earlier with the defeat of Ethiopian troops.

The problem, however, is that the struggle did not end with independence. Most Eritrean exiles blame President Issaias Afeworki, the sole post-colonial leader, for their country's current problems. Once viewed as a liberator for leading his forces to victory over Ethiopia, he now presides over a single-party state, which outlaws even the mildest dissent. Issaias' People's Front For Democracy and Justice (PDFJ) has transformed Eritrea into a prison for the young: Exit visas are not granted to anyone under 45 years of age. "The people have learned the hard lesson that liberators can turn into monsters," said Balhbi Malk, a one-time member of Eritrea's university student movement who now lives in eastern Canada. "The people are compelled to live under the worst dictator in Eritrean history. The gross violations of human rights, socioeconomic and physical exploitations, oppression, lawlessness and horror have reduced the people to extreme poverty, hopelessness and exile."

What matters most in Eritrea is the military. By one account, it has the highest number of troops per capita in the world, with 43 out of 100 people serving as professionals or reservists. The country has roughly 4 million people.

The military footing exists because of the enmity between Issaias and his cousin, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. While the two leaders cooperated to depose Meles' dictatorial predecessor, Mengistu Haile Mariam, their countries warred from 1998 until 2000 over, to put it crudely, a disputed border town named Badme. A boundary commission subsequently awarded Badme to Eritrea in 2002, but Ethiopia refused to implement the decision. Fears of another war persist since both militaries are deployed near the border, while the mutual belligerence of Issaias and Meles has not abated. If anything, their loathing now extends to Somalia, where Ethiopia removed the Eritrea-supported Union of Islamic Courts in late 2006.

The disadvantages of the militarized situation for Eritreans are threefold. If war with Ethiopia recurs, then a large proportion of its citizens will be at the frontlines fighting needless battles. Secondly, barring a change in American foreign policy, Meles is seen as the staunch U.S. ally, especially since his troops are playing a critical role in Somalia. Eritrea is perceived by American diplomats as a potential state-sponsor of terrorism. Worse, Issaias is not paying a political price for his actions since he has eliminated political opposition, civil society and the free press.

Seven years ago, after the war with Ethiopia ended, Issaias imprisoned members of senior government officials, military commanders and journalists who advocated for the implementation of the 1997 constitution. The document guaranteed multiparty politics and elections. One exile described 2001 as "the end" for freedom and human rights. Unlike North Korea and Zimbabwe, nobody pays attention to Eritrea, he said.

That's perhaps a mistake given the president's attitude. In a recent interview with Al Jazeera English, Issaias suggested elections might not take place for "three or four decades." His appearance left the impression of a man who manufactures his enemies and who never loses an argument even when he proclaims the earth is flat. The interview likely prompted the Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights, a South Africa-based group, to launch an appeal to the African Union's Peace and Security Council. The appeal protests the "unconstitutional grip and maintenance of power in Eritrea" and wants the AU to sanction the "unconstitutional usurpers and holders of power" by suspending the regime from all AU-related activity and by withholding recognition of the government through visa denials and suspension of bilateral contacts.

Yet, in spite of Issaias and the PDFJ's hijacking of the national agenda, Eritreans love their country. While Malk said independence day should not be celebrated when people are desolate, he believes it is important to demonstrate that Eritrea's martyrs did not die in vain. "Today's humiliation and degradation is not the product of their sacrifices but the consequence of our inaction," he said. "We are clearly aware of the fact that we have a long road ahead to celebrate a true sense of freedom and independence."

Blake Lambert is a World Politics Review contributor editor and a veteran Africa correspondent.

ASKUT YAA KALAB XABASHA LOVER

[Hyperactive]

maha eritareans noga galay kowayagi baban tabar o lanahay.