Different Somali Qabils and their different reasons on their opposition to Somaliland recogntion and Independence
Posted: Thu Aug 15, 2024 11:32 am
I have spent considerable time studying the dynamics between Somalis and their attitude toward Somaliland, particularly their envy of the Saadaat people over the past few decades.
Firstly, there is hardly any clan in Somalia that opposes Somaliland purely on the grounds of ethno-nationalism. Perhaps the Marehan come closest to this, believing in unity based on nationalism. Among the Darood, they appear the most genuine, though not without their share of dishonesty. I also think that Siyad Barre was misguided by elements within the Ogaden and Dhulbahante clans, who poisoned his mind with anti-Isaaq rhetoric. If only Siyad Barre had heeded the counsel of Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Madar in 1979 and 1980, he might have extended his rule by another two decades, much like Gaddafi, perhaps even passing power to his son. From 1970 to 1980, Siyad Barre’s governance was not entirely unfavorable to the Isaaq—many held positions in his cabinet and the Supreme Revolutionary Council. We had no significant issues with him so long as we could continue our business endeavors. Siyad Barre had a firm grip on Mogadishu; the Hawiye did not dare challenge him—until we, the northerners, initiated the resistance paved the way it was an isaaq man that shouted afweyne ha dhaco in 1987 in the football stadium of Mogadishu , hawiye didnt dare. Instead of appeasing small and insignificant clans in the north like the Qurji or an Ethiopian clan called ogaden, he should have focused on maintaining good relations with the great Saadaat nation, and he might have ruled for decades longer.
Now, let’s consider the various clans and their reasons for opposing Somaliland:
Wasakhgali: They oppose Somaliland because they fear becoming a minority. According to British statistics from the 1950s, they constituted only 3% of the population, and little has changed since then.
Dhulbahante or the Qurji : They resist being part of Somaliland due to concerns about their insignificance within the nation, even though they would be far more marginalized in Somalia.
Hawiye (Abgaal): Their opposition stems from concerns over Mogadishu losing its power and wealth. Some also believe that the Isaaq are needed to keep the Darood in check and fear that losing Somaliland would lead to the collapse of the rest of Somalia.
Habargidir: While some, like the Sa’ad, are more friendly towards Somaliland, others such as the Saleeban, Saruur, and Cayr clans are staunch opponents.
Majeerteen: Their opposition is rooted in fear that if the Saadaat nation becomes independent, they would be left vulnerable to the Hawiye. They worry that the Darood would become a minority in a Somalia dominated by the Rahanweyn and Hawiye. It’s unclear how their stance might change if we offered them control over the Wasakhgali and Dhulbahante lands.
Ogaden, Geri Koombe, and Others: Their resistance is often driven by jealousy of the Saadaat nation. Many Ogaden believe that if Somaliland becomes independent, the dream of a free Somali Region (Kilil 5) will never materialize, as the Isaaq—who fought for Somali Kilil in the 60s and 70s—are seen as the true embodiment of Somali nationalism. They fear that without Somaliland, no one will champion their cause.
Rahanweyn, Eeley, and Other Bantus Midgaan Yaxar: These groups harbor resentment towards us, viewing us as elitists noble men of the North, who look down on them. They perceive us as racists who dismiss their struggles.
Firstly, there is hardly any clan in Somalia that opposes Somaliland purely on the grounds of ethno-nationalism. Perhaps the Marehan come closest to this, believing in unity based on nationalism. Among the Darood, they appear the most genuine, though not without their share of dishonesty. I also think that Siyad Barre was misguided by elements within the Ogaden and Dhulbahante clans, who poisoned his mind with anti-Isaaq rhetoric. If only Siyad Barre had heeded the counsel of Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Madar in 1979 and 1980, he might have extended his rule by another two decades, much like Gaddafi, perhaps even passing power to his son. From 1970 to 1980, Siyad Barre’s governance was not entirely unfavorable to the Isaaq—many held positions in his cabinet and the Supreme Revolutionary Council. We had no significant issues with him so long as we could continue our business endeavors. Siyad Barre had a firm grip on Mogadishu; the Hawiye did not dare challenge him—until we, the northerners, initiated the resistance paved the way it was an isaaq man that shouted afweyne ha dhaco in 1987 in the football stadium of Mogadishu , hawiye didnt dare. Instead of appeasing small and insignificant clans in the north like the Qurji or an Ethiopian clan called ogaden, he should have focused on maintaining good relations with the great Saadaat nation, and he might have ruled for decades longer.
Now, let’s consider the various clans and their reasons for opposing Somaliland:
Wasakhgali: They oppose Somaliland because they fear becoming a minority. According to British statistics from the 1950s, they constituted only 3% of the population, and little has changed since then.
Dhulbahante or the Qurji : They resist being part of Somaliland due to concerns about their insignificance within the nation, even though they would be far more marginalized in Somalia.
Hawiye (Abgaal): Their opposition stems from concerns over Mogadishu losing its power and wealth. Some also believe that the Isaaq are needed to keep the Darood in check and fear that losing Somaliland would lead to the collapse of the rest of Somalia.
Habargidir: While some, like the Sa’ad, are more friendly towards Somaliland, others such as the Saleeban, Saruur, and Cayr clans are staunch opponents.
Majeerteen: Their opposition is rooted in fear that if the Saadaat nation becomes independent, they would be left vulnerable to the Hawiye. They worry that the Darood would become a minority in a Somalia dominated by the Rahanweyn and Hawiye. It’s unclear how their stance might change if we offered them control over the Wasakhgali and Dhulbahante lands.
Ogaden, Geri Koombe, and Others: Their resistance is often driven by jealousy of the Saadaat nation. Many Ogaden believe that if Somaliland becomes independent, the dream of a free Somali Region (Kilil 5) will never materialize, as the Isaaq—who fought for Somali Kilil in the 60s and 70s—are seen as the true embodiment of Somali nationalism. They fear that without Somaliland, no one will champion their cause.
Rahanweyn, Eeley, and Other Bantus Midgaan Yaxar: These groups harbor resentment towards us, viewing us as elitists noble men of the North, who look down on them. They perceive us as racists who dismiss their struggles.