Are we traveling the same road that led to the first collaps

[fagash_killer]

i salute the author. he just killed it

Are we traveling the same road that led to the first collapse?




"Somaliland's secession denudes the inherent historical collective memory of the society which forms the basis of national identity and leaves non but SNM to take the place of the independence martyrs and legendary poets. The SNM, however, was a tribal militia that has committed grave human rights violations, which does not give SNM any place in the formation of national identity. Supporters of SNM have to remember that one man’s mujahid is another man’s murderer and the continued presence of SNM in any national identity platform will hurt more than it helps."
Somalia has become the epitome of a failed nation; the only country in the world whose government and institutions ceased to function for 16 years. Somalia is frankly an enigma; the most homogeneous nation is at the same time the most strife prone one. An attempt at resuscitating the government took about two and half years in Nairobi. And still the resulting weak government had to come to Mogadishu accompanied by Ethiopian tanks and under the shade of American fighter jets. As I am writing this article, it is still struggling to secure law and order in the capital city, incremental daily attacks are dampening the hopes of even the optimists. The TFG’s enterprising endeavor to gain control of Somalia has competition. The aspiration of the society for relief from a decade and a half of torment, poverty, loss of life and diseases may or may not take priority over political ambitions of the TFG. The dilemma is not new. We have been there before. This time around, however, the need is more urgent, the demands more prominent and the solutions are trickier and much more slippery than ever. Factors some of which have contributed to the fall of Somalia – The First Collapse - are in play. It is these factors that I will look at here.

Over the 16 years that Somalia was without a nation other factors sprung up that will make it more difficult for the present government to reestablish law and order. Many analysts emphasize the failure of the Somalis as a nation; none have acknowledged the social collapse, moreover, which caused which is an open ended question. A government can cause its society to fail and society can cause its government to fail. My argument is that both have happened in the past and now Somalia is in a state of social collapse. It is crucial to rebuild society in order to rebuild the nation. One of the ways to do that is conducting broad-based, all-inclusive national reconciliation. A government that heels the people becomes a lasting government.

As ugly as it is, the scrofulous picture of lawlessness and anarchy that reigned for almost two decades hides and even more atrocious reality which, if uncurbed, may result in another collapse and supervene upon any nation building effort. Somalia is traveling the same road that led to its collapse in the first place.

Major ingredients of the old road – The first collapse
Tribalism - the last refuge of a scoundrel

Tribalism is central to the life of the Somali; it is a social insurance, a master key that opens the doors of the good, the bad and the ugly and above all it is a piece of identification. Tribalism is also a devastating weapon used by the ignorant, the opportunistic vultures and the piranhas of the Somali society. It can move societies to accomplish the noblest achievements and it can tear asunder its fabric creating persisting animosity and bloodshed. Knowing where to draw the line is of ultimate paramount and that is where the Somali society has failed miserably.

The burning of tribal effigies and symbolic burials of tribalism in the heydays of the late regime, Kacaankii “barakaysnaa” may have been a veracious assay to rid society of tribalism. Ironically, less then a decade from its burial, tribalism reared its ugly head in defiance, laying claim to new definitions, forms and facades. It is during this period, most likely the last 10 years of that regime, that the seeds of the current chaos were planted. Like any falling dictator, Siyad Barre mustered all the slyness in his books to delay the ominous moment. And like the crafty man that was, may Allah rest his soul in peace; he devised the most scourging weapon of it all; SSDS (Somali Self-Destructive Syndrome). In practice, the weapon is put to work by giving the reigns of the tribe to gluttonous, immoral, and most simpleton individuals. Rewards for loyalty to the government were paid out in tribal currency in the form of nominations of these individuals to high positions. Punishment for defiance was meted out on the same criteria.

Siyad Barre contrived a double edged sword to reward and penalize a tribe simultaneously; increased nominations from the baulker tribes, of timeservers and self-seekers who can break the ranks of their own tribe and disentangle the bonds of cohesion. More importantly, the unofficial job description of these hoodlums included fomenting and hatching conspiracies to breed a rift between neighboring tribes. Thus, a new culture that elevates the mediocre emerged, spread and established itself in a very short period. Unbelievably, the same tribes they destroy are also the ones that nurture the egos of the malice-mongers amongst them for the simple and fundamental reason that they present a “political” and a “contemporary” line of defense against other tribes. The usual justification is “if every one else has them, why not us”. Will tribes be wise enough to terminate the power of their rogue sons? If they can do that, it will be the noblest accomplishment of the Somali society. The reality is each tribe has the ability to curtail warlords hailing from it. But we have yet to see any that realizes the magnitude of the erosion of tribal ethics and decides to rescind the “wait for others to do it first” attitude.

Wryly, the TFG, except for an insignificant number of individuals, is entirely made up of these new breed of leaders. Emboldened by the lack of sanctions from their own tribes – the only entity that can reverse their prominence – they made sure that no headways are made towards social reconciliation. They thrive on social pandemonium; peace, law and order, and social tranquility are not their opportune environment. The TFG has not only institutionalized tribalism, it also put the stamp of approval on the leadership by the unscrupulous politicos – a hoard of warlords. The unfortunate part is that it is not limited to the TFG; Somaliland, Puntland, Djibouti, Ethiopia’s 5th Region and even in the Diaspora – where ever there are Somalis, there is always a fly in the ointment; leadership and power is in the hands of, or being sought by the least capable and the most corrupt individuals. That and that alone, is the arrant evidence of social collapse; leadership by the mentally and morally blind. Social collapse is nothing but a society’s failure to find ways to deal with the factors that can bring about its demise whether they are economic, environmental, political or social. In the case of the Somalis, the combined effect of all of these factors compounds the matter even further. Social response to factors that cause collapse begins with making the right decisions, the correct choices and empowering those who can bring vision, plan and potential for reversal of fortunes to the table.

The TFG is a government of warlords. And unless a leopard can change its spots, it is hard to envision that in an overnight these warlords will acquire empathy and philanthropy for a society whose blood they imbibed for 16 years. Is it realistic to use a flammable liquid to extinguish a burning house? The warlords are the fire and the TFG is the flammable liquid. It is an institutionalized strategy to perpetuate the devouring ways of the warlords already pregnant with the pillage and blunder of the blood, lives and souls of their people. Commonly, a warlord operates best when social chaos is rife and, hence, they are adept in keeping it at an optimal level of disorder where fear and suspicion are maximal, emotions are raw and rational thinking is minimal. The loss of trust in law and order will propagate the same chain of events that weaved themselves throughout like a wild fire and, thus, in the same way that the first collapse happened, the second will follow suit in the hands of warlords posing as a government.

The matter is further exacerbated by Hawiye’s fear of retribution from a Darood clan lead by Abdullahi Yusuf who has on more than one occasion voiced his irritation with the Hawiye. In the absence of a coordinated tribal reconciliation, the atmosphere is ripe for retaliation. The Hawiye has an axe to grind with the Darood for cruelty and humiliating treatment meted out to them during Siyad Barr’s regime. These old gores are at least psychologically aggravated by the contingent of clan militia from Puntland that accompanied the Ethiopians into Mogadishu who currently represent the Somali National Army. The need to eliminate that consternation is imminent and comes second to nothing. The rupture between Hawiye and Darood may, if unresolved under the context of the Somali tribal xeer, throttle the prospects of social tranquility in the South and contribute to the loss of any hopes of resurgence of the old Somalia. But the grudges are not only between Hawiye and Darood; there are grudges between the Hawiye themselves too which need to be addressed through reconciliation.

Governance

"Empires are broken down when the profits of administration are so great, that ambition is satisfied with obtaining them, and he that aspires to greatness needs do nothing more than talk himself into importance”. Samuel Johnson: Letter to John Taylor, (January 24, 1784)

Very simply put, governance is the process by which government officials exercise power within a society. The participation of the whole society in the delivery of governance is determinant to the functioning of a nation. The degree of public participation in the decisions on issues that immediately affect them determines their satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the government and its power structure. Centralized governance is an indication of corruption. Governance also ought to reflect the traditions and culture of a society. Under Siyad Barre, the Somali tradition of freedom and openness were repeatedly violated. Centralization of governance has also severely impeded economic development in the outlying regions, transparency of public officials, professional work ethics and ability of decent officers to undertake proper performance of some of their employees. Dictatorship thrives on centralization; they like to keep everything where they can see them. Will the TFG change that?

The sweeping majority of the TFG were politicians-in-apprentice to the dictatorial regime with no other experience to compare it to. Recycling them back into power constitutes protraction of social suffering and laying the foundations of the second collapse. If the society wants its leaders to be people who wheel and deal, confuse and contort, create misery and mayhem, who scornfully watch while their society withers away, why are the Somalis worried about Ethiopian occupation? We can already hear and see statements, actions and decrees that echo the past.

Various officials have repeatedly made public statements that violate the rights of individuals or ones that restrict the economic activity while others continue to insist upon irrational opinions that obviously hinder reconciliation. The Prime Minister announced all airlines to ask for permission to land and to take off through a Ministry of Aviation that has yet to come to the capital, the Minister of Sports banned all athletes to leave the country (frankly I am wondering how there would be any athletes in a place where you have to dodge bullets!). The Prime Minister announced he will collect all weapons by force merely to eat his words in less than two days. The President continuously flip-flopped on reconciliation with the opponents of his government including the ousted ICU. Instead of listening to what the Somalis think, which would have earned the TFG and him a badly needed credibility, he had to bow down to pressure from foreigners to agree to hold some kind of a reconciliation conference.

There are two reasons for the TFG’s blunders: the first being that even if there is a shred of honesty in the powers-to-be, their approaches are reminiscent of past decisions that failed the society. Instead of vesting in a process that not only makes sense but also enhances economic activity and contributes to making peoples’ lives a little easier, they are choosing to impose their will upon the society. The various TFG ministers had all the time in the world to plan and analyze the needs of their portfolios and upon arrival in Mogadishu put forth concrete plans for the public to see which would translate into the existence of actual vision, mission and tangible intentions and plans to move the country forward. They are reacting to events instead of leading them and their reactions are usually going against the current and result in more negative reactions. Isn’t that what brought down Siyad Barre?

Economic doldrums and environmental degradation

The direct results attributable to misdirected policies, corruption and mismanagement is the invariable erosion of Somalia’s economic potential. The prevalence of degeneracy and misappropriation of public funds segregated for specific projects drained the resources. The government was resolved to keep a number of industries and agricultural projects that could not pay for themselves let alone bring in a profit. The Urea Production Plant, the Refinery, the Spare Parts factory and the Medicine and Medical Supplements Factory are only a few of the industrial projects that were built and kept painfully limping on for political purposes. Most of them were established with aid money running for a number of years but the funds allocated for the operation, maintenance and personnel training were diverted with only insufficient trickles going into the projects. Other industrial projects that were viable, profitable and easy to maintain were slowly rusting away and collecting dust as funds dried up as a result of corruption and mismanagement. These industries include; the Tomato Factory, the Pots and Pans factory, The Cement factory, Balad clothing Plant, and SNAI BIASA.

A development policy plan is crucial before daydreams of major projects become the objects of reality. That plan has to conform to the capacity of the nation in terms of technical know-how, local availability of raw material and the existence of markets for its products. The omission of these considerations in the plans is neither realistic nor logical. The TFG, though, has to contend with more than just the development of the national development policy. The attitudes of the society and their understanding of the real ownership of public property and the consequent impairments from that attitude have to be reversed.

So much damage has been done not only to the environment but also to the existing infrastructure. The trade in charcoal denuded the environment. Water pipes and electric lines have been dug up and sold as parts or just for the iron and copper content; industries have been disassembled and sold for scrap; monuments have been brought down for sale; schools and universities have been robbed with nothing standing except empty walls. The entire nation has been dismembered. The challenges ahead of the TFG are insurmountable. Pondering upon the form of social ignorance it took to inflict that magnitude of ruin on a nation’s public property points also to the extensiveness of the task facing the TFG. In contrast, public properties in Somaliland faired extremely better. Institutions such as Amoud Secondary School, Sheikh Secondary School, 1st July Secondary School and schools and institutions in Burao, Las Anood, Erigabo and others places remained intact protected and cared for by the communities in their vicinity. As peace took root, many of these institutions were turned into centers of higher education.

There are a number of reasons for the TFG’s inability to embark upon a national development policy. The prevailing political atmosphere leaves the TFG very little choice in deciding its priorities. Its resources and attention are currently dominated by the daunting task of gaining control of the country which in itself is a major stumbling block to any development initiative. People are hungry for peace, stability and jobs; none of these can be made available unless the TFG gains control of the country. It is a vicious cycle. More importantly, however, lack of popularity with the people is an even bigger dilemma. The method and style of the TFG’s ascent to power; marching into Mogadishu under the shadow and in the company of Ethiopia - Somalia’s archenemy and a member of the nations that took part in its partition – translates into pathetic respect for the TFG in the public’s mind. In the eyes of the average Somali, the TFG has dealt the pride of its society the lowest blow by seeking help from their ancient adversary and oppressor. Furthermore, Ethiopia’s continued presence will escalate the discontent of the public with the TFG. Yet, its hasty withdrawal will also speed up the decline of the TFG and devolution back into the anarchy, especially in the face of the current unwillingness of other neutral African nations to contribute troops. It is another vicious cycle!

The vast environmental disasters that retched a cycle of flood and famine and economic down trends forced many to leave their villages or livestock heading for the big cities to find employment only to end up disappointed from loitering in an alien city with more perturb than they bargained for. This has not only caused population explosion in the major cities but also contributed to a drastic reduction in economic production. Mogadishu’s population explosion, with its integral unemployment burst, was the combined result of centralization, negative economic performance in the outlying regions, and environmental degradation.

The net increase in all of these factors over the last 16 years tests the TFG’s ability and disposition to tackle the ailments of a society that needs quick solutions to a serious national calamity with tortuous complexities. The Gordian knot that has become Somalia will be a test of wills and minds requiring the best of the society to overcome vexing tangles. But the TFG’s overarching solution to this labyrinth knot seems to be its cause and only time will tell whether a solution to a problem lies in retaining the vital elements of the problem itself.

Education

Education empowers a society but it also confers responsibility on individuals and society in general, to foster development, harmony and peace. In many instances, depending on the prevailing politico-economic conditions, education has been used for purposes other than its natural goal. Writing the Somali language produced a vast number of people who can read and write but who are unable to qualify what is worth reading and what is worth writing. Although it was the single most valuable achievement of the dictatorial regime, misdirected policies aimed at “leveling the field” produced these effects. The sacrifice of quantity for quality compromised the noble intentions and failed to relieve the country’s hunger for skills and knowledge.

Quality can never be compromised for quantity and yet, options have to be given to those who do not make the cut. Standards have to be high. Moreover, education has to carry a social component; it has to be applicable to the needs of a society. TFG has a monumental task ahead of it when it comes to rebuilding the institution of education. The need to re-examine the old curriculum that regurgitated colonial-centered education is greater now more than ever before. A new curriculum that responds to the problems in our society and enlightens students on the failures, using our own experiences at social strife as a background for future social harmony, will ensure that our future generations possess the correct mechanism to prevent future discordance. The new education system has to nurture a Somali national identity. It has to restore our society’s pride and confidence in itself; teach it to eat what it grows, wear what it makes and find solace in one another.

Additional factors – consequences of the first collapse
Islamic Fundamentalism – Religion as a political weapon

Despite the openness of the Somali culture, fundamentalism succeeded to find a niche to operate on two different occasions. During the mid- to late seventies, the formation of Ikhwaan, predominated by the Majeerteen and Laylekase clans, was a response to broaden the opposition base against the regime. Contrary to many beliefs the Itihad also rose in the North during the height of the SNM opposition. Again, at the height of the warlord stranglehold on Mogadishu, the ICU, whose most powerful wing was dominated by the Cayr sub-clan of the Habar Gidir, ascended to prominence and established a semblance of peace in Mogadishu. Two factors, however, evidenced the ICU as more than a religious uprising. The imposition of hard line Wahabi doctrine raised a lot of eyebrows. The infliction of controversially strict rules is on itself an indication of hidden political agendas and religious charlatanism evidenced by the harsh ruling regarding human behavior in the face of the society bottomless pit of poverty. The adoption of warlords like Indhacadde, who controlled the Middle Shabelle Regions with impunity and inhumanely, was to most of the impartial observers a slab in the face that pointed the finger to the true tribal colors of the ICU.

Like the social plague that gave prominence to warlords, religious charlatanism also gained momentum and continues to plague the Somali society under the auspices of something as brain-numbing as tribalism and the gloom fostering cult like the Wahabi that prosper on taking short cuts to the knowledge of religion. These cults exploit the raw emotions of the unsuspecting by enforcing non-indulgent guidelines to avoid adherents getting the time to think and digest religion and the principles of their leadership. Devoid of thought, they adamantly believe in the correctness of their leaders and willingly dislodge any door, believing they are doing it for God, only to be disappointed when they find their leaders as a corrupted as the warlords.

Religious charlatanism is a new phenomenon in Somalia. Made possible by the lack of certification, many saw an opportunity to get an uncontested platform with loyal audiences and in the process they also get to boost their weak ego to compensate for other failures. The knowledge of religion, and especially of Islam, is one of the most complex academia which cannot be mastered without following established academic setting with proven curriculum. And even then, the need to specialize, like any other subject, becomes imperative. On the contrary, religious charlatanism is characterized by the total absence of organized studies and curriculums. It flourishes under informal on and off tutoring, quick inflated titles, unqualified rulings and emotional rhetoric. Religious charlatans always address issues that are irrelevant to the problems of the society. They are strict in their interpretation of Islam because they are not at ease to get out of their comfort zone – they tell it like they heard it; they do not tell it like they think the possibilities could be because they never exercised the faculty of thought. The goal of religion is to save lives, it does not kill. Yet, groups posing as religious organizations kill innocent lives on a daily basis.

In any event, The ICU succeeded in mobilizing large numbers of people from all parts of the Somali peninsula and its continued seething is a reality the TFG has to contend with one way or another and the method it deals with the remnants of the ICU may determine the fate of religion and politics in Somalia.

Regional secessions

There is no shortage of arguments for and against Somaliland’s secession. Atrocities and genocide dished out to the Isaaq tops the list of the reasons. That the Isaaq suffered genocide at the hands of its own government cannot be denied. The use of the National Army against the people it was formed to defend is a crime beyond the comprehension of any sane human mind. But to extend the commitment of that genocide to the Somali people or to the South is also logically skewed. It was perpetrated by a dictator; by a regime whose members included many individuals from the Isaaq.

The argument that Somaliland was a separate nation for four days, and thus to conclude that it stood as a nation before the union, is also deception of sorts. The entire premise of the North’s independence movement was predicated on the union with the South. Public demand for unification also overruled any imperativeness of the Northern Representatives to sign an act of union which would have constituted a legal basis for a present secession if it contained special provisions.

At the fall of Siyad Barre, the North had a golden opportunity to take the reigns of the situation and to ensure that the pain they have been put through does not repeat itself at any scale anywhere in Somalia. Somalilanders need to be aware that they also have the same troubles that afflict the South – tribalism – in addition to at least one major problem unique to Somaliland. Secession denudes the inherent historical collective memory of the society which forms the basis of national identity and leaves non but SNM to take the place of the independence martyrs and legendary poets. The SNM, however, was a tribal militia that has committed grave human rights violations, which does not give SNM any place in the formation of national identity. Supporters of SNM have to remember that one man’s mujahid is another man’s murderer and the continued presence of SNM in any national identity platform will hurt more than it helps.

The TFG has to acknowledge the achievements of the society of Somaliland in securing peace. Without exaggeration, the process of the grass roots peace initiative by the tribes in Somaliland is a template worthy of copying by the TFG. The antagonistic approach of members of the TFG towards Somaliland is also an impediment. The TFG has to prove itself before they can ask Somaliland to sit at the table. As it is now, Somaliland is ahead of the rest of Somalia and it behooves the mind if the naked asks the dressed one cover himself. The TFG needs to dress itself in governance before it can approach Somaliland.

Somaliland is not the only entity that might secede. It may seem strikingly odd to cite Puntland among the list of seceding regions. Yet, given the tribal realities and the facts and actions evident in the mannerisms of the Puntland administration cession almost came close to reality and is still not far-fetched. As a tribe, the Darood is more cohesive than the Hawiye. That is why there was only one presidential candidate in Nairobi. Abdillahi Yusuf’s lone candidacy was the litmus test for the Harti confederacy and to a degree many Daroods in general. It is exceptionally likely that in the event a Hawiye president was elected, Puntland would have announced a complete secession. On its inauguration, the region was pitched as an “autonomous” state with Yusuf as its president. An autonomous state within the state of Somalia is weird and if there is no “plan B” there is no need to complicate an already muddied political landscape. Yet, that “plan B” is always downplayed. The failure of Abdulahi Yusuf’s administration may bring a resurgence of the so far cloaked secession aspirations of Puntland. In fact, failure this time may result in the ultimate collapse of the Somali society and the fragmentation of Somalia into tiny tribal “X lands” where the addition of “land” seemingly represents a rejection of ones Somaliness and possess a strong dose of nostalgia for colonial hegemony.

Conclusion

Societies around the world have, are and will be faced with tribulation. Human interactions, whether a society is homogenous or heterogeneous, is replete with complications, rivalry, gluttony for power and privilege, resolutions, understanding and reconciliation. Every society chooses its own path to find pertinent solutions to their ailments. These solutions are constantly repositioned, redefined and refined according to the prevailing circumstances. This is the mechanism by which societies avoid collapse. It may take a number of social collapses to finally bring down a society entirely and to likely result in its extinction. The fall of the dictatorial government of Siyad Barre was not a national failure. It was a social collapse for the simple reason that Somalis proved unsuccessful to recover and rebuild a nation almost two decades later. It took the intervention of foreign forces to bring the warlord government pieced together in Kenya to its capital. And the hope that it might work and regenerate the broken society is very bleak.

Social aversion to collapse is evidenced through the willingness to generate workable solutions based on the experiences garnered through years of strife; changing what has proven not to work; understanding that strife will not be localized and that it is in the best interest of all tribes to cooperate to stem out factors (even if they are people) that can breed chaos. Societies dictate the course of their destiny to the degree that they can control and mitigate tranquility and progress inhibitors through culture-specific and apprehensible mechanisms. If a road leads to doom and a society keeps traveling it in the hopes that through an infinitesimal chance it will stumble on a solution, the perils of social collapse will be salient sooner then they expect. Allah in His Everlasting Grace told us unambiguously that it is up to every society to change itself for better or for worse:


It is the same (to Him) whether any of you conceal his speech or declare it openly, whether he be hid by night or go forth freely by day
For each (person), there are angels in succession, in front and behind him. They guard him by the Command of Allah. Verily! Allah will not change the state of affairs of a society as long as they do not change their state by themselves. And when Allah wills a punishment of a society, there can be no turning back and they will find besides Him no protector.
Surah Ar-Ra’ad (chapter 13); verses 10-11; translation by by Dr. Muhammad Taqi-ud-Din Al-Hilali, Ph.D. & Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Khan.

The TFG may not have the luxury to take their time to plan or the premeditation to see around the corner. It is hampered not only by characters and their ability to lead a nation. It is also hampered by the same factors that led the dictatorial regime to failure and still the same reasons that impeded social recovery for the last sixteen years. At this juncture, it is up to the society to make a choice – a choice that may stimulate peace and the resurgence of the Somali race.

The modern world is made up of institutions. Culturally, Somalis never shared institutions before the advent of colonialism and their lies some of our ills. We are struggling with the inner workings and details of a “monster” that is not our creation and we have to share that monster. It is the “how” we are having difficulties with. People come and go but institutions continue to stay with us and keep on serving long after the people who started them are gone. Institutions, as repositories of information, specifically accomplishments and failures of previous programs, forestall the reinvention of the wheel. In addition, the preservation of institutions saves the resources, time and effort of rebuilding them, thus, propelling a society forward rather than backwards and allowing faster recovery from national discord. In spite of the monumental problems and challenges it faces, the TFG has the potential to plant the seed of these institutions. Do Somalis have the patience and the minimum presence of mind to wait for that seed to germinate, arise and take root until the next generation of leaders, who by the Grace of Allah will be more honest, cultivated and magnanimously more patriotic, takes over?

Nur Bahal
Toronto, Canada
nurb@rom.on.ca

[Grant]

"The modern world is made up of institutions. Culturally, Somalis never shared institutions before the advent of colonialism and their lies some of our ills. We are struggling with the inner workings and details of a “monster” that is not our creation and we have to share that monster. It is the “how” we are having difficulties with. People come and go but institutions continue to stay with us and keep on serving long after the people who started them are gone. Institutions, as repositories of information, specifically accomplishments and failures of previous programs, forestall the reinvention of the wheel. In addition, the preservation of institutions saves the resources, time and effort of rebuilding them, thus, propelling a society forward rather than backwards and allowing faster recovery from national discord. In spite of the monumental problems and challenges it faces, the TFG has the potential to plant the seed of these institutions. Do Somalis have the patience and the minimum presence of mind to wait for that seed to germinate, arise and take root until the next generation of leaders, who by the Grace of Allah will be more honest, cultivated and magnanimously more patriotic, takes over? "

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It's a good, good article. Where did this appear?

[fagash_killer]

http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=8417